Rough Notes on the Indian Communist Movement
Posted by Mike E on March 29, 2008
These are notes from a presentation by G.N. Saibaba on the history and current lines of different trends among communists in India. Saibaba is the Deputy Secretary of the Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF), an All Indian Federation of Revolutionary People’s Organisations. Thanks to the Fire on the Mountain blog for making these notes available. Feel free to comment or expand on these notes.
1. The communist movement in India today
There are three different main streams in the revolutionary movement:
a. CPI (Maoist) – follows the line of People’s War steadfastly and surging forward.
b. CPI (ML) Naxalbari, CT, PCC (ML) and others like CPCRML who are close to the Maoist party in terms of line to a greater or lesser extent.
Also Red Flag – Communist Revolutionary Platform, CPI (ML) Central Team, and CPM (ML) New Democracy — these are all small, but they have a small mass base. They partake in mass struggles but do not conduct armed struggle at present. They are right deviationist in the understanding of the Maoists.
CPI (ML) Liberation is now fast turning revisionist, a fairly large party mainly in Bihar.
There are no left deviationist groups remaining in India. There used to be some Lin Piao groups, they hardly exist anymore.c. Communist League of India (ML) split from the CPI (ML) originally in the 1970s. They believe that India is a capitalist country. They split into five different groups. They are small and work in urban pockets.
The Communist Party of India (CPI) and the Communist Party, Marxist CPM have been in power, and are not considered to be the Communist Parties any longer. The CPM has turned into a social fascist force allied with the reactionary ruling classes and the imperialist forces.
Outside the communist framework are Democratic movements: socialists, Gandhians. Most of the Socialists have joined the ruling classes. But some of them also partake in some peoples struggles. They have shrunk and are small now, but still do some positive work some times.
2. Notes
One of the largest groups in 1972 was formed under the leadership of Chandra Pulla Reddy and others. This group argued for people’s resistance first as a condition. There was another group under the leadership of T N Reddy. They argued also for people’s resistance to exist as a first condition. Both argued for parliamentary participation. The third major group was CPI (ML) Liberation, later led by Vinod Mishra. These were right-deviationist from the beginning. They developed a peasants’ movement in Bihar and continued with armed struggle for a short while. During that time there was also a group led by Ramanatham. He argued that India was not semi-feudal but capitalist. He formed the Communist League of India (ML). The others are those that believed in armed struggle from the beginning: CPI (ML) Peoples War in the south of India, and in the North, (MCC) and the CPI (ML) Party Unity belong to this category. They also started armed struggle in Bihar since 1970s. These three forces formed their parties by the 1980s separately.
There are two more groups formed by the 1980s: Provisional Central Committee (ML), and CPI (ML) Second CC. Both operated in Bengal. This was the situation in the 1980s.
The first party that transformed its nature was CPI (ML) Liberation. Initially they argued for armed struggle. But stopped and took up “people’s resistance” and the parliamentary path. The 1980s is the decade when the parties worked among the people and formed their own mass base in different regions.
There was an attempt already in 1970 to unite the various revolutionary groups into the United Revolutionary Party soon after the revolutionaries came out of CPM. The CPI (ML) that was formed under the leadership of Charu Mazumdar with all genuine revolutionaries. This consolidated CPI (ML) split into many parts after 1972.
The MCC emerged from outside this formation under the leadership of Kanai Chatterjee. The MCC renamed itself as MCCI by 2002.
The disagreements were on the issues of armed struggle, revolutionary situation international situation and participation in parliamentary elections. Some said we have to wait for the people’s resistance to be strengthened before initiating armed resistance. Others argued that armed struggle isn’t possible. The position taken by the MCC, CPI (ML) People’s War and CPI (ML) Party Unity was that of the line of Protracted People’s War by initiating armed struggle from the very beginning.
India is not a democratic country like a European one. In Europe, you have a democratic space because the democratic institutions developed from the struggles of the people, even though they were and are in the hands of the bourgeoisie. In India the parliamentary institutions were imposed by the colonial masters to enhance their colonial rule. They were not created through people’s struggles. In India there is little democratic space. The bourgeois class in India is a deformed reactionary force since its inception. This class hadn’t emerged naturally, but was propped up by the British colonial masters. Therefore, the initial progressive role that was present in the European bourgeoisie was not present in the Indian bourgeois class. It allied itself with the feudal classes from the beginning. Therefore, we must use armed struggle as the democratic space is not intrinsic to our society after the colonial intervention. The illusion of democratic space is there in the form of parliamentary institutions and formal democratic rights but not in reality. The moment one forwards the people’s demands one will face repression from the state. How do you forward and defend the movement of the people without arms?
The sections of the revolutionaries following People’s War also held the view that there is no reason to participate in parliamentary elections. This would create illusions about democratic space, which doesn’t exist in reality.
More than 50 splintered revolutionary groups were formed after 1972.
In the 1990s the unification process started. During the 1980s three parties built vast armed struggle areas, other revolutionary parties organised the peasants, but did not start armed struggle. The MCC, Peoples War and Party Unity had discussions for unity. In the unification process People’s War and Party Unity united along with, and formed CPI (ML) Peoples War in 1998. The process continued until 2004, then CPI (Maoist) was formed when MCCI and CPI (People’s War) merged together.
The other groups: CP Reddy group unified with other groups and formed CPI (ML) Janashakti (people’s power) by 1996. Many other groups joined them. But it split again after a year.
30 years of history proved that those that believed in armed struggle could sustain and develop.
A few smaller groups that believe in People’s War are still outside CPI (Maoist). Like CPI (ML) Naxalbari in Kerala. From the point of view of the Maoist Party that is largest, all other groups that never practised armed struggle are in the right revisionist line. They are not ready for unification.
The CPI (ML) Janashakti reviewed its policies after all the splits and summed up that it was wrong not to have initiated People’s War, and have initiated discussions with the Maoist party at one stage.
Naxalismus heute « Entdinglichung said
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Harsh Thakor said
Comrade Harbhajan Sohi just expired.He was a major leader of the Nagi Reddy Group of Punjab.In this piece I wish to pay him and his organizations a tribute with the following compilations.
Compilation of Work on Massline-Part2(In Tribute to departed Comrade Harbhajan Sohi)
International Line
This is a Compilation of Notes on the International Line of the U.C.CR.I.(M.L) Nagi Reddy Group led by Com.Harbhajan Sohi that fought against wrong trends in the Communist revolutionary camp.The compiler of this work does not profess it as the absolutely correct line neccessarily but feels it has historic significance,making valid points.Please publish.
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I suggest you comple 2 sections from The Comrade.One on the Internal line as compiled and the other on the International Line.You may abreviate them but please highlight the main points.Notes compiled from the Document titled ‘In Defence of Marxism-Leninism MaoTse Tung Thought and General Line of the International Communist Movement.”adopted in the conference held in January 1982 by the U.C.C.R.I. (M.L) led by Harbhajan Sohi(split from whole group in September 1979) in 1982-It is 28 yaers since the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)led by Harbhajan Sohi held it’s special conference after there was a split in 1979..
The conference refuted the fact that it was a policy of Comrade MaoTseTung’s by underling tat Mao had never advocated it. The theory propogated that the 2nd World -West European countries and Japan were allies in the International revolutionarystrugglea against the hegemony of the Superpowers.
:In this pernicious theory termed as ‘The theory of 3 Worlds” the middle forces(2nd World Countries like West European countries and Japan)have dual character and are given the role that the national bourgeoisie is given in a semi-colonial country. This force at no given stage of its development have some potential for playing a role in the revolutionary movement to a certain extent, under certain condition. Even when a tactical alliance is launched by revolutionary forces with a section of enemy forces against the principal enemy, this section dose not lose it’s enemy character or posses ‘dual character.’ By attributing dual character o these imperialist powers he ‘three worldists’ change the fundamental contradictionj of between the 2nd rate Imperialist powers an e 2 Imperialist superpowers.It no more remains an anti-imperialist contradiction,imperialism at one pole of this contradiction gets transformed into something of a higher order ‘hegominism. The 3 worldists state :The 2nd world Countries exploit the pressed nations and are at the same time bullied y the superpowers. They have a dual charater ,and stand in contradiction with both the first and third worlds. But they are still af force in the 3rd world and can win over or unite with in he struggle against hegemonism.
According to such caricaturists of Leninism,it is not a question of making a distinction between the chief hegemonistic power and secondary hegoministic powers and making use of the contradicton between the 2,but the question of handling a new fundamental contradiction between the hegemonistic imperialist superpowers and allegedly anti-hegemonist imperialist powers so as to unite he latter in the world-wide struggle for overthrowing hegemonism which turns out to be the target of world proletarian revolution I it’s present anti-hegemonic sate of development,preceding the stage of Socialist Revolution for overthrow ofworld Imperialism..
Even if the east European countries and Japan have a thousand and one ties with the United States and face the menace faced by Soviet Social Imperialismtheir objective struggle against the over-bearing U.S.Imperialism it o attain ‘equal partnrship’,So long as U.S.A,continues it’s policy of control they will not cease the struggle against such control and for equal partnership.This ‘equal partnership’ is being sought in the predatory imperialist alliance for perpetuating and intensifying oppression and exploitation of under-developed countries, and contending with Social Imperialism for this neo-colonial loot. U.S Imperialism, seeks through it’s policy of control, to limit the scope of Imperialist contention and loot o part of these powers, they,through their struggle against such control seek to enlarge the scope, and the friction between the 2 sides,o n this score, is just another dimension of thefundamental contradiction between U.S.A and these countries as Imperialist powers.
This year when Zaire was repelling the armed invasion of Soviet Union ,France supported them logistically. Could the entry of French Imperialist troops,in Zaire, with the help of Belgium, and America, to boost up the efforts of the lackey Mobutu clique be called supporting 3rd world’s struggle against hegemonism’.If Cuban trroops,East German and Soviet Union military advisors were engaged in building up military forces of the lackey N.A .T.O clique of Angola in repelling South Africa Armed Invasion masterminded by U.S Imperialism thy were supporting third world struggle against hegemonism.
Mao had said “referring to the phenomenan of intensifying contention among imperialist powers:Their embroilment is to our advantage.We,the Socialist Countries, should pursues the policy of consolidation ourselves and not yielding I a single inch of land.W e will struggle against anyone who makes us do so.We certainly will support the anti-imperialist struggles of the people in Asia, Africa and Latin America and the revolutionary struggle of he people o fall countries.
‘As for the relation of Imperialist Countries and ourselves ‘they are among us an we are among them; support the peoples revolutions in their countries and they conduct subversive activities in ours. We have our men I their mist Our assessment of the international situation isthat the embroilment of the imperialist countries contending for colonies is the greater contradiction. They try to cover up contradictions between themselves by playing up their contradictions with us. We can make use of their contradictions lot an be one in this conection. This is a matter of importance for our external policy.
The 3 worldists give the status of sovereignty and political independence to several nations of Asia ,Africa and Latin America where independence was merely a ‘transfer of power’ and thus under estimate or ignore neo-colonialism.In a great majority of former colonies independence sa superficial and virtually transferred to another ruling Comprador bourgeoisie class tied to Imperialism.Even popular nationalistic regimes were replaced with reactionary regimes.
The 3 worldists defend he lackey reactionary state power in the 3rd world Countries by stating hat “By excercising the state power in heir hands, the independent 3 rd world countries have gained broader arenas and more means to carry on their struggle than in the past.T his glorifies the political role of he states of this region.
Through the eclectic method of knocking together ,into a hybrid whole ,phenomena of different order or differentiating phenomena of essentially similar nature,I nto qualitatively different categories,the ‘3 world theorists’, mutilate the fundamental contradiction between imperialism and oppressed nations and he fundamental contradictions between the various imperialist powers, transforming he reactionary ruling clique in underdeveloped countries into the main anti-imperialist force and the imperialist ruling cliques in highly developed capitalist countries into an anti-hegemonistic force All the revisionist acrobatics of the ‘3 worldists are meant or selling their line of unadulterated class collaboration and tying up of the proletarian and other evolutionary forces to the boot laces of the ruling cliques of the 3rd World an the 2nd world ,both for renouncing revolutionary tasks concerning the struggles against unjust criminal inter-imperialist war.
Teng Xiaoping called for uniting with U.S Imperialism in the struggle against Soviet Social Imperialism,terming the latter as he principal enemy. The differentiation between U.S Imperialism and Soviet Social Imperialism is a distortion of logic. They say that U.S Imperialism has over-reached itself and all it can do at present is to strive to protect it’s interests and go over o the defensive in itr’s strategy.How can it go on the defensive if it seeks exclusive hegemony in contention with Social Imperialism. In the criminal imperialist operation of forcible redivison of the world, where each superpower seeks to realize exclusive world hegemony ,the circumstance of U.S Imperialism having to fight in a state of strategic defensive, that is,having more to exert in retaining and consolidating it’s earlier huge colonial exploits than I seizing new territories,does in no way change the predatory character of its endeavour before and during the outbreak of imperialist war. A superpower may deploy an offensive strategy or go over to the defensive in it s overall strategy, the imperialist striving for seizing or retaining colonial possessions through military means is equally predatory in both cases.It gives no scope to International proletarian revolutionary movement for meting out differential treatment to Soviet Social Imperialism and U.S Imperialism.
There is another absurd analysis where the 3 world theorists feel that U.S Imperialism has been exposed in the eyes of the World people, but Soviet Social Imperialism pretends to be a liberating Socialist power ,thus it is more dangerous. However is is a Marxist Leninist tactic o treat the politically less exposed enemy as te ‘primary target’ and the notoriousone as the secondary target..(3 worldists say that progressive World opini is already familiar with he true nature of U.S Imperialism and will go o fighting ai but that is not the case with Soviet Social Imperialism which wears a mask of being Socialist)Even if as some military experts claim that he Soviet Union has a marginal military edge, this would hardly have ay significance as the capability or role of either of them as a aggressive imperialist superpower would not be reduced and would be irrelevant to the formulating of policy of the international proletarian movement.
Line after pro-democracy Student Movement in China(Comrade -August 1989)
Another significant aspect of study was the stand adopted by ‘the Comrade “. on the student movement in China in Tiennamen square I I 1989 and it’s approach to the Soviet Union in 1991.It highlighted the factional struggle between rightist factions within the C.P.C which were trying to win over and win over he student sections. In it’s view he movement lacked a proletarian leadership.
“The student protests raised slogans against corruption and for “democracy” No organized proletarian leadership was present. Thus the reactionary elements could divert he unrest into a reactionary “Democracy”movement. The bitter faction between the 2 rival factions within the C.P.C for power between Zhao Ziyang an he Deng Xiaoping clique and the contradiction between the erstwhile Soviet Social Imperialism and American Imperialism influenced it.Workers economic demands were sidetracked.eg.price ries and unemployment.
True large sections of workers joined the agitation and the ‘Internationale’ song was sung. One cannot blame the students as they were fed o the propaganda of he rightist Zhao Ziyang forces.T hey were hardly aware of the gains in Socialist China where democracy was paractised to the greatest extent.The student protest were at their peak in 1985 directed against price rise, corruption, nepotism of officials ,Japanese economic invasion etc. Ultimately however they were diverted into political reform an lacked proletarian revolutionary content.
This so called democracy movement is anti-communist, reactionary and counter revolutionary THe dissenters were utilizing he growing disaffections amongst the people-students in particular against the Deng clique. This disaffection mainly urban based. The peasantry hardly participated. The confused and misled student community and sections of the working population were drawn into it. The various twists and turns and ups and downs of the movement show the leadership’s links with the various contending imperialist powers and within the feuding capitalist factions of the C.P.C.itself.Fang Lizhi tc acted as Chinese Sakharovs .”
China was a Socialist State from 1956 to 1978 before Deng Xiaoping reversed policies of the state.In the Maoist era the Working class was given every avenue to assert it’s democratic right and we must remember the Big character posters that came to the forefront in the cultural revolution. Corruption,unemployment and price-rise was hardly a issue in the Maoist era.I the cultural revolution corrupt officials were openly punished)In the Maoist era mass movements such as those in the Cultural revolution represented those aspirations of the Working class while in the Student Movement it expressed mainly those of the rival rightist Zhao Ziyang faction represnting Western bourgeois democracy.
Line after Collapse of Soviet Union as a Superpower(Compiled from Comrade-April1992 and February 1991))
. Only in a situation of sharpened Imperialist contention for world markets or spheres of influence would differentiating U.S Imperialism have tactical significance. The U.S, economy also has several problems . “The present day U.S Imperialist aggression proceeds as a part of the overall offensive of imperialism against the oppressed countries. Although at present there remains only one superpower in operation,it would be inappropriate to conclude ht a new uni-polar world has emerged. T he balance of forces and alignments among the imperialist powers have not crystallized, their mutual relationships are in a state of flux and their respective moves are essentially tentative. Only after such a crystallisation and it’s relative stabilization takes place would one be on solid ground to talk about the International World Order and about any polarity.I n the current situation, the aspect of contention has been temporarily relegated to a secondary position. Despite U.S Imperialis’s leading role,the struggles of the oppressed peoples and pressed nations have to be direct as a matter of policy ,not against U.S Imperialism in particular, but against Imperialism as such.
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After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 the Comrade asserted:A section of Communist revolutionary forces is getting engaged in analyzing and debating the historical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariatand the cause of capitalist restoration in the erstwhile countries ,and is ending up with he verdicts of the alleged mistakes of Comrades Stalin and Mao. That is tantamount to affirming in practice the very link between the recent developments in revisionist countries and he past practices of Socialism which need to be refuted, and so lends credibility to the propaganda plank of the bourgeoisie.
These comrades have hardly thought over what the alleged mistakes were of Stalin and Mao and the relevance of their reviews of the available theory and practice of Socialism to heir task of countering the bourgeois propaganda. It is not clear which target group they have in mind- ,which can hardly be the common masses of the people. Analysis and debate concerning the Theory and practice of socialism amongst Communist Revolutinary forces s necessary. However open debate is for correcting or refuting ideological deviations and not for seeking unanimity of views between contending sides.A so called friendly public debate serves only to ad to the confusion of the people. It actually hides the character of the conflict of views behind it’s friendly signboard thus lowering the guard of the revolutionary masses against hostile ideological tendencies, secondly it invariably projects a lot of loud-thinking and tentative stands of the participants. Organised Communist Revolutionaries are expected to provide reliable leadership to the democratic revolutionary movement o he India people, can not afford too such a thing.
The current offensive of the bourgeoise is against the concept of the Leninist party, especially the class distinctive politics and the democratic centralist organization of the party.The Communist revolutionaries should come out in defence of the party concept, but give greater attention to the building o the party. That would be he most appropriate step in countering the bourgeoisie propaganda offensive.
The class enemy would train it’s guns at the dicatatorship of the proletariat, the party and the great revolutionary leaders. The class enemy’s frenzied attacks should make the Communist Revolutionaries better appreciate these precious assets and prompt them to grasp, defend and promote the same vein more firmly.They should never look back and only The criticism of the revolutionary masses, for the advancement of the revolutionary cause, should prompt Communist Revolutionaries to analyze and ponder over any faults and defects and where it lies.
. “The C.R movement must show sympathy to those section s that strive to fight their ideological drift,however their curiosity and anxieties cannot be allowed to distort the sense of proportion and priority of the organized movement.”
Today, when forces like the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement are taking ecclectical stands, the defence of the dictatorship of the proletariat is essential.R.I.M.like forces have found errors in Stalin and even distorted aspects of Comrade Mao’s line.
On the Question of Approach to Formation of a New Communist International(compiled from Comrade Dec 2003)
1..The vanguard the Communist parties , practicing proletarian internationalism have to exist. International Communist Unity and concerted action of Communist parties have to exist. The proletariat in each country fulfils it’s internationalist duty by striving for carrying out revolution.
2.Carrying out revolution in one’s own country and striking at imperialism worldwide are distinct though inter-related he 3rd International took p this task .Unfortunately it dissolved itself in 1943 when it found that it’s form was no longer suitable
3. Ever since the dissolution strong efforts have been made to establish proletarian internationalism with their own revolutionary practice. This was initiated by the C.PC from it’s lessons of a protracted Peoples War.It valiantly ought the revisionism of Kruschev.
Since the fall of proletarian power in the C.C.P. there is no Socialist base in the World. History remembers that despite the achievement of C.P.C under Mao ,the party did not go towards establishing he Communist International or establishing an International Organisation. Instead it stressed for he Communist Parties of the camp to apply he universal truths of Marxism-Leninism in the concrete situation of their country. It emphasized that other countries should not copy the Chines Experience to-to but apply the Chinese experience in accordance to their own condition.
The main reason for the C.P.C’s caution was a .Imperialism was devising through its local regimes new forms of neo-colonial rule and only a native communist party could analsye and review such situations. An outside force could not grasp the concrete reality. Thus he necessity of political independence of each country’s communist party.
The victory of a revolution in a country under he leadership of a Communist Party indicates that certain crucial contemporary problems of he revolutionary movement have been resolved by it ,and thus the experience can be passed on to Communist Parties of othe Countries.At presnt there is no such party in the World..The ideological political struggle against Oppurtunism withi the revolutionary Camp is firce and bitter in each country.
A dialectical process involving unity of Communist Parties is required. Mutual exchange has to take place Actual experience should be shared, which would pave the ay for more advanced form s of collective positions on issues and ralying of more forces worldwide. Mutual Exchange and Common stands,bilaterally and laterally,,and multilateral platforms on the basis of the general line are required
Today in India and in other Countries the reorganization of he Communist Party is still in the process of being realized It is crucial to struggle to implement the correct line and establish its content with opportunism. In this process Communist revolutionaries have to strive to achieve unity on the basis of settling various line questions in connection with the revolutionary practice of the masers of the Indian people
b.Chauvinistic tendencies may develop under Communist Parties .The more developed and advanced may act chauvinistically and deliver big-brother ttreatment to the less developed or successful parties.
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On question of United activities against Imperialism.
Wrong tendencies.-This is particularly important in the light of events like M-R-4 which are struggling against the offensive and the tentaclespf Imperialism and globalization.There have been strong defective tendencies in the handling of anti-imperialist activities
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1.Artificially inflating mobilization.
This leads to the wrong political emphasis of trying to increase the number of participants in mass actions through non-revolutionary method sof mobilizing people. Sections of Communist Revolutionaries seek to push people into mass actions merely by influence of certain mass leaders ,or the discipline of he mass organization under the leadership,.What is really needed is to increase the people’s participation in these mass actions with a revolutionary perspective is to make strenuous efforts to disseminate anti-imperialist consciousness among the struggling people through a difficult and protracted process of political education and propaganda linked to their life-experiences and concrete struggles. Some comrades concerned are very eager to make people quickly join the anti-imperialist movement ,so they adopt short-cut methods.
Tendency to feel nothing can be done singe-handed. Due to scarcity of numbers certain comrades that work can only be implemented in a front with other organisatins.True unity is an urgent objective but it an lead to overdependence on just united activities Communist Revolutionaries and diverts attention from he principal task, namely the development of the anti-imperialist consciousness movement.
The most important task of the Communist Revolutionaries is to expand the relatively developed layer of he people which is he core of the anti-imperialist movement. This layer serves as the main base of political mass actions now organized by communist revolutionaries.
The main form of activities I are pressing class demands and make each section of people understand how the imperialist policies are hurdles in the achieving of every specific demand of that section.
The 2nd form is that of organizing special mass campaigns ,pressing anti-imperialist political issues. Here the communist revolutionaries propagate how any specific imperialist policy is detrimental to the interests of all sections of he people, and thus al section s of people need to unitedlys truggle against Imperialism. Efforts are needed to reach sections opposing neo-colonial dominaton.
A very important factor is the mass platforms must be made distinct from the party organizations. There is a strong tendency that believes that the image of their party organization will be negatively affected if he content of anti-imperialist policy I projected by any joint platform is deficient.
Thy have the notion that their party organization is directly accountable for the performance of thejoint platform. Thus they impose a higher political content or higher level of activities onto he joint platform.
The Organisational set-up or united activities is a major factor. There are various violations of discipline united mass platforms where political organizations wish to impose their content.
To one extent or the other the practice of mutual co-operation and Unity among various CR organizations carries on with certain positive and negative features. The experience of this practice can indicate to what extent there can be real-struggle unity or united activity on any political issues between the concerned organizations ,and on that basis what level of political content the united activities can undertake. The political content and organizational discipline of the common platform should be determined on those experiences. It cannot be determined on he basis of formal; political agreement between the concerned organizations nor merely under compulsion of the objective need for united action.
Real Struggle Unity among several organizations participating in united activities can be at various levels .Thus only a single platform for united activities of all these organizations is needed. Where the formal political agreement among certain C R.organisations may be of a higher level but real struggle-unity is at a lower level ,the structure of he common platform should be relatively loose.
Nature of Cadre force deployed.
Certain cadre force should be specifically deployed t should have a certain level of skill. This is because there would be several people unrelated to the democratic revolutionary movement, but having some level of anti-imperialist Consciousness. They may not be able o accept Communist revolutionary activists as their leaders. Thus activists have to be more flexible and imaginative, while themselves having a solid grasp of orientation.
Wrong tendencies include organizations trying to push through elements of their maximum understanding ,instead of trying seriously to thrash out minimum common understanding. for the specific purpose of the joint platform. They misuse the stage of the joint platform, ,by propagating their own views.
Assesment of the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) or the Communist Party Reorganisation Centre of India Marxist Leninst.In Tribute to Comrade Harbhajan Sohi
The formation of the Communist Party Re-Organisation Center of India(M.L)is of historical significance towards the building of the mass revolutionary line.)On the International Line and on it’s analysis of the agrarian revolutionary Perspective and military line it has outstanding Marxist Leninist clarity.
.It has not only emphasized the pressing need and crucial significance of the Party Re-Organisation for bringing about a new high tide in the Revolutionary Movement but also projected the line based approach to party re-organization. This highlighted the other facet of the party question ,namely the impermissibility of diluting the distinct ideological political identity of the political party.
Theoreticall it’s greatset contribution is that of making a sound theoretical ground for he need of preparation of mass movements and mass resistance to lay the seeds for carrying out peasant armed strggle and laer protracted Peoples War.
The organisation’s insistence on the distinct political identity while seeking to build the party as the leading political core of the revolutionary mass movement of the Indian People,has not only general orientational validity but also particular relevance to the Particular situation.It has also given significant writing on linking the trade Union movement with the agrarian revolutionary Struggle in the villages. It has a sound thesis on the Workers Front where it explains the need to develop an advanced revolutionary core of workers who could propogate revolutionary politics in the villages.
There is also a most sound International line demarcating from the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and deferring the premature formation of a Communist International from the Russian and Chinese Experience.(Remember Stalin’s Comintern was dissolved in 1943 while Mao never called for a Communist International)
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In Punjab today the organization has adopted a mass revolutionary approach and has made the greatest revolutionary progress.The most significant aspect is maintaining the correct relationship between the mass organization and the political party.A movement of landless Agricultural labourers as well as that of middle and landed peasants has been built demarcating from deviationist tendencies.A Mass Based revolutionary democratic Organisation has been built to give solidarity and sharpen the anti-feudal Struggle which held ralliesof historic significance especially during the elections. The Agricultural and landless peasants organization) has made painstaking efforts to give a mass revolutionary approach by educating the peasantry,similar to the Red Army during the Chinese revolution.However still the resistance is still at the level of pockets in Punjab and a stage has to be reached when agrarian revolutionary struggles are launched at village,district and state level.Stlll,the movement has not reached one where land seizures or direct struggles for land are taking place.The method the struggles have been conducted on all fronts display the efforts to painstakingly educate the peasants in the need for self-organisation to assert their rights and the relationship of their struggles with the agrarian revolution.Peasants in Balahr Vinju district led by the P.M.K.U gave a classical display of mass line approach when hoisting the Red Flag and thwarting the police efforts of preventing them from holding their conference.Historic democratic protests were held.The way the peasant organisation functioned helped spread peasant struggles to other areas quickly.(pocket level)State level agitations have yet to be launched and this being a class peasant mass organization it will have to play amajor role.The graetset achievement of the organization is it’s ability to organize the Dalit or backward caste labourers.Toady in the Maxist -Leninist Movement it is a major challenge to organize the Dalit caste agricultural labourers.on class lines.(Appraisal from Correspondent in Frontline)The organization has alos given solidarity to the struggles of the landed peasantry had participated in revolutionary Election Campaigns.What is significant is that the agricultural labour organisatin has built amovement in various districts Punjab ranging from Bhatinda to Jalandhar,to Ludhiana to Amritsar.
The B.K.U (Ekta-represnting correct trend ) has taken historically correct steps to build a peasant movement of the landed peasantry combating wrong trends and has given a classic example of carrying out mass revolutionary work within a single large body,They have led state-wide agitations and are creating a base for district-level and State wide movements of the landed peasntry.It has been one of the most revolutionary democratic approaches ever displayed where no party politics has been imposed on the mass organization.However still it is only a base for building a revolutionary peasant Movement.and is not a class organisation of the landless peasantry revolutionary peasant classes. It has yet to lead or encourage the lower sections of the peasantry. Today a mass agrarian revolutionary peasant armed struggle has yet to be built to lay the seeds for guerilla warfare.There have been historic statewide agitations which is significant .
Avenues have been created for militant peasant struggles of landless labourers in pockets in the State and for miltant district or statewide peasant struggles amongst the landed peasantry.A revolutionary alternative has been projected through the Party Organisation and the manner of projection(especially as projected by the Rajjeana Campaign and the Election campaign) displays strong theoretical correctness.A trade Union movement has also been built in the towns and major cities giving solidarity with the agarian struggle which is of great significance.Revolutionary movements of the youth and students are taking place and in many areas village youth have displayed enormous revolutionary enthusiasm. In 1998 and 1999 the Organisation carried out election campaigns in Punjab which created a major impactwhere the tactics of active political campaign in contrast to Active Boycott or Participation were implemented. Other groups could hardly make any effect. The content of the party leaflet encouraged the party ranks and followers to distribute it wide for mass consumption. The wide range of issues were explained in simple language.The immediate practical alternative was projected in the leaflet so that people could easily grasp it’s contents.
The focus of the state commitees poster was on building the revolutionary movement ,with the agrarian movement as it’s axis, as an alternative The call by the C.P.I.M.Lparty Unity for boycott got no response while Groups like the Janashakti group that polled candidates got no success.
..In Orissa in the Malkangiri district an outstanding tribal Movement and Organisation has been built. It has been an example of an organisation with mass character and practicing democratic functioning. It has fought for immediate ,partial demands as well as political demands.It has instilled in the tribals that through their struggles and through the medium of their mass organizations, they can become the alternative centers of power and authority. The Malkangiri Adivasi Sangh has also shown the importance of assistance from the class allies ,particularly the working class. The Sangh has shown that people when organized can govern their own affairs and collectively assert their authority. The tribals were thought to place faith only in their own organized strength. An important activity to achieve this end has been the steadfast exposure of although ruling class institutions and propoganda.The Sangh has also been an effective answer to the Left Sectarian line of Armed Squads of a major revolutionary Group. Who though function with the utmost sincerity and best intentions ,do not take the path of involving the people and forming genuine organizations with a genuine mass character. The revolutionary forces working within the Sangh have done their utmost to maintain the balance between de-centralization of Committee Activities( to promote democracy and give the lower mass sections more opportunity to assert their authority),and maintaining proletarian revolutionary leadership (so that the mass organization is prevented from ultra-democratic. In Orissa however peasant seizures of captured land have already started taking place and laying base for armed peasnt struggle. Mao advanced the theory of inseperable link between the agrarian revolution and the guerilla war to establish base areas.A thorough going agrarian revolution which includes the distributoin of landlords land to the poor peasants and agricultural labourers,to develop and consolidate base areas –Mao implemented such a programme,in the period of agrarian revolutionary war.The Red army led by the C.P.C implemented it.
What is significant is that armed militant struggles of the Adivasis have taken place to defend their rights. They have confronted Imperialist sponsored projects like H.A.M.C.O and a pipeline company ,which is of great significance-in connecting to the anti-imperialist Struggle. Land grab seizures have taken place thus setting up a spark for agrarian revolutionary struggle. Unique forms of struggle have been devised applying the politics of the Chinese Revolution or Mao Tse Tong Thought . It is one of the greatest movements of its kind in revolutionary struggle world over. No tribal movement has been as close to the mass line for half a century or exhibited such democratic functioning.The leadership of the Communist revolutionary organization is exemplary even if it has not given call for armed struggle.Most innovative methods of work were innovated and Mao Tse Tung Thought was brilliantly applied.
The correct preparatory mass line application is a necessary perquisite for launching a revolutionary armed struggle .The armed struggle must be linked to the agarian revolutionary struggle and based on it. A mass revolutionary peasant uprising may not have taken place but there have been demonstrations of peasants in Orissa and Punjab defending their rights or offering mass resistance against enemy forces carrying traditional armed weapons.The party election programmes in 1998 and 1999 were striking examples of creating a base for a mass revolutionary political movement,particularly the peasantry…One significant factor as though democratic revolutionary struggles have been launched by the peasantry in Punjab,a stage has not yet been reached when land re-distribution seizures are taking place or land re-distributed. )
I still cannot evaluate the Communist Party Reorganisation Centre of India
(Marxist Leninist) as the total protaganists of the mass line.. This is because although in their major mass struggles in Punjab and Orissa they have displayed the correct method of mass preparation for political programmes andthe correct concept of the relationship of the party and the mass organization(how a party must democratically function within mass organizations and not impose politics and implemented the mass line in certain struggles),they have still not developed a mass revolutionary military line in practice.,to create condition s on par of the Naxalbari and Sriakakulam Movements.No doubt their mass fronts have led struggles reflecting features of the mass line but do not necceseraily reflect creating conditions for mass revolutionary armed peasant struggle or creation of aRed Army. On Question of guerila Warfare a military line has still to be developed in light of the era of globalisation and changes in the urban and rural areas.Theenemy forces in the Urban areas have become much more stronger than before and it is possible now that a form of revolutionary armed struggle would have to be developed in the Urban areas in later stages,even if the main areas of armed combat in the cities.
Not enough solidarity programes are conducted for political and mass Movements at an All India level There is also a weakness regarding the projection of mass political platforms of the party Organisation.There has practically been no use of the internet to projec t many of it’s political documents,resolutions or Struggles.Nor is there any National level mass –political organ which propogates it’s views.
The author also feel that not enough emphasis has been given on programme s to defend the ideology of ‘Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse Tung Thought.These would educate t he broad masses on the achievements of revolutionary Socialism in Russia and China and other present armed Struggles.There is also hardly any noticeable internet presence ,unlike other major groups.Tuue the party organisationhas to be kept undeground but ultra-secretsim can turn a revolutionary party Inwards.Inadequate projection of the pary organisatin has taken plaec even in states of major work.There is also lack of an All India level co-ordinating mass platform. In states where work has progressed there has not ben spread of revolutionary struggle to neighbouring States.In areas of left adventurist mass Movement a mass revolutionary alternative is not provided to the masses. The most important criteria is at what stage can you define or uphold a peoples revolutionary movement as implementing the mass line.We may have to differentiate between the ‘ mass line’ and the ‘mass revolutionary approach.To the author toady an ideal mass line is in which armed struggle can be waged in certain areas while in other areas of setback Parliamentary and legal forms of struggle can be utilised.There is also need to study whether there is scope for launching peasant armed struggle in certain areas ofcourse refuting the adeventurist luine of annihilation of the Class enemy.’It has yet to be theoreticay analysed whether it is not the situation to launch armed struggle I totality.In the current perod true he Maoist are often commiting acts of Individual annihialtion ofhe class Enemy but can not a mass arevolutionary armed struggle be implemnted in light of the trevolutionary peasant Movements orland which tok plae in Andhra Pradesh,Dandakaranya and Bihar?In the times of Srikakulam and Naxalbari Movement such conditions prevailed which ained asetback after the Charu Mazumdar adventurist line and he Emegency.
Theoretically,not enough light has been thrown on the ideological weaknesses in the eras of Stalin and Mao.The mass repressions in the Stalin era, the over characterisation of the personality cult of Comradae Mao Tse Tung by Lin Biao and the over emphasis placed on Soviet Social Imperialism by the Maoist C.C.P have been overlooked.
All this does not deny that the and since it’s formation it’s work plus that of the earlier constituent organsiations will have a permanent place in ‘striving for the correctlmass line’ in the Communist Movement.)
Harsh Thakor said
Compilations on Mass Line (In Tribute to departed Comrade Harbhajan Sohi and to Devullapali Venkateshwara Rao on 25th death Anniversary)A tribute in memory of Comrae Harbhajan Sohi and D.V.Rao
Part1.Internal Line Struggle
1.Genesis of the Struggle against Charu Mazumdar line
Please add this information to the compilation son the mass line.
The turning point in Andhra Pradesh was the rejection of the C.P.M’s central committee ideological draft by a majority vote. The Communist Revolutionaries organized the ideological debate utilisng certain advantageous conditions. The State plenum adopted a detailed resolution with 158/231 supporting it.Comrade T.N and Chandra Pulla Reddy were the architects of the resolution.Thhe C.P.M leadership earlier evaded the ideological debate in 1964 at the same time there were various points of view reflected in the 1964 Calcutta Congress.In June 1966 they presented a note to the C.C but later discouraged this by allowing the state committees to publish only’the authoritative pronouncements of fraternal parties./’The 1967 documents of the C.P.M adopted neo-revisionist postions.
The C.R’s of A.P. organized themselves into a secret organization by March 1968.Thhey organized similar committees below. Which conducted the anti neo-revisionst struggle,o rganizationally consolidating the forces that rallied with the revolutionary politics and guiding the peoples movement with the aim of revolution.
However the internal struggle against neo revisionism at the all –India level lacked any co-ordination and centralized leadership. There were several different types of approaches.
On November 13th 1967,under the leadership of Comrade Charu Mazumdar the All India Co-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries of India was formed.
They professed
a.develop and co-ordinate militant struggles at all levels ,especially peasant struggles.of Naxalbari Type
b.develop militant struggles of the working class
c.wage ideological struggle against revisionism and popularize Mao Tes Tung Thought.d.To develop a revolutionary programme.ona correct tactical line.
On May 14th 1968 the A.I.C.C.R came out with a declaration claiming that all those revolutionaries still in the C.P.M must be disqualified from consideration, and all those who still think there is scope for inter-party struggle must be condemned. Interestingly the organ Liberation refuted this stating that avenues had to be allowed for differences and that it was premature to rule out such comrades .Interestingly, although from the beginning ,the AI.C.C.R.leadership showed trends of left adventurism,the Andhra Comrades under the banner of the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Committee met them and even joined them.This took place in November 1968.Earlier in June 1968 the CR’s of A.P formally broke away.comrade T.N was the convenor.In August of that year the A.I C.C R had formed a Naxalbari Solidarity Committee and wee carrying a slanderous campaign against the A.P.C.C.C.R.,propogating that the Andhra Comrades were revisionsists.
In the final analysis 3 major differences came out.
a.the left adventurist A.I.C.C.R. line viewed the struggle against neo revisionism as a task of only organizing the top leaders or the most advanced elements of the C.P.M.The A.P.C.C.C.R felt thee was need of organizing the entire party ranks.
b.The A.I.C.C.C.R negated the mass line and exhibited romantic and petit bourgeois tendencies when they propogated armed struggle with no relation to the people’s consciousness.The concept of ‘annihilation of the class enemies’ was propogated.
The A.P.C.C.C.R stressed that a mass agrarian revolutionary Movement should be built up propagating the concept of agrarian revolution and relating it to the land question. They also stressed on implementing the mass revolutionary line of the Telengana Armed Struggle. It also questioned AI.C.C.C.R’s understanding of the area of Srikakulam becoming a liberated base area. Encircled by a well –knit transport and communication system thee was a long way to develop it into a liberated base area. Simultaneously they propagated that there were vast potential areas where armed struggle could be developed. and a strategic planning was required.
c. A.P.C.C.C.R propagated the need of building necessary forms of struggle and organization.and the need to combine mass form sof struggle with armed struggle.The A.I.C.C.C.R.totally neglected this aspect.
d. A.P.C.C.C.R opposed the line of ‘Boycott of parliamentary Elections’ as a strategic path.’ Elections was a question of tactics and one of the several llegal forms of struggle. In an Interview with Blitz Comrade T.N stated ‘Revolutionaries take part in the elections and legislative bodies to expose their fraudulent character and convince the masses of the revolutionary path.T.N told Swedish Journalists ‘WE can go in for armed struggle in a really a large area and still sit in parliament in other areas when armed struggle is not going on’. Comrade T.N went on to make a most significant statement in an interview with Swedish Journalists: The difficulties are of course our own mistakes during the last 16 years, which have naturally led to condition of disorganization. To be frank we are not organized in the way we ought to be if we are to function in a revolutionary way. We have created an illusion among the people about parliamentary action, organized the communist party’s machinery in a parliamentary way . The old unselfish tendency has gone to waste ,the old hard work has vanished. We must re-build.T hat is the greatest difficulty.” If we had been carrying on the working class Struggles in the revolutionary way during these 16 years ,we could probably also have used the parliament, ven if agrarian revolution was taking place in other areas. India has many different organizational revolutionary requirements. As for the future we must wait and see how things develop, how successful is our organisation’s work and how effective is the co-ordination of all these struggles. Then we must consider the various tactical possibilities open to us.
After the break fro the C.P.M. the A.P.C.C.R sent cadre and leadership to the forest area of Andhra Pradesh in Khammam, Warangal, Karimnagar, and East Godavri districts. Although people were being organized in mass struggles on economic demands in Khammam, Warangal and Karimnagar areas,in other areas activity was still at the level of propoganda.In Eat Godavri area particularly god work was done. However ,overall,there was a long tortuous road ahead in developing a consistent and extensive agrarian revolutionary Movement.
The Andhra Pradesh Communist Revolutionaries stood in the forefront of combating left opportunism. These were the main differences between them and the Srikakula District Committee(D.C.) which follwed Charu Mazumdar and the A.I.C.C.C.R.
a. The first one was over the question of carrying out armed struggle with relation to land.The district Committee believed that mass land struggle was not needed .
b. Secondly the D.C belived that actions of armed squads would mobilize the broad masses.
c .Thirdly,the D.C rejected the idea of of advanced training in guerilla war and proposed that in he course of battle all warfare would be learnt.
d.Fourthly the D.C believed that only armed struggle was necessary.
Comrade T.N in an interview explained 3 important points
a..That Armed Struggle starts only as resistance to landlord goondas and govt.repression This resistance will be in the form of peoples mass resistance. However the C.P.I.M.L rejected this and resorted to isolated squad actions.
b.In T.N’s view Peoples War starts only as a form of resistance ,not as an offensiveTHe C.P.I.M.L opposed this .
c. Comrade T.N advocated the use of various forms of struggle in accordance with the prevailing conditions.The C.P.I.M.L rejected this and only gave emphasis to armed struggle.
By 1969 an agrarian revolutionary movement had developed ina small pocket of Kondamodalu agency area of East Godavri District under the leadership of the A.P.C.C.R.T he vast masses of the Girijans were drawn with the perspective of the mass revolutionary line. Comrades made a systematic study of the condition’s of people’s life and the forms of exploitation and oppression Extensive political propaganda was carried out against the moneylenders,forest officials,forest contractors,landlords and officials. People were organized on the basis of partial issues. To land issues. People were organized into various organizations like the girijan Sangham, Mahila Sangham, youth Organisation Etc. Earlier Comrade Chandra Pulla Reddy had insisted on armed struggle for self-defence and disagreed with Comrades T.N and D.V.He felt that the enemy would not be quiet until the people consciously realize the need of adopting he form of armed struggle.’ Armed Struggle for self-defence can be started by armed squads only formed by the party cadre .He formulated that’The peasant masses could only come forward to seize thel and of the landlords after they gain the confidence in the military strength of the armed squads. Subsequently Chandra Pulla Reddy left the AP.Committee and formed his own group.the A.P.C.C.R.was now under the leadership of Comrade T.N and Comrade D.V.(Devullapali Venkateshwara Rao)
led by Comrade Charu The A.P.C.C.R made protracted efforts to tread the mass line. While in jail, the leadership concentrated on political and ideological work and wrote documents in criticism of revisionism, left opportunism, left devation within the Party’Right Opportunist trend within the party’ and Fundamental Line and question of Unity” Efforts were made to initiate the mass line and a paper” Proletarian Path’ was brought out together with Comrades from West Bengal.The Andhra Comrades developed relationships with the Srikakulam Comrades (inside jail).A series of steps was planned to develop political and organizational unity.Relations were established with Comrades like Kanu Sanyal and Souren Bose..Talks took place with Comrade Satya Narayan Singh but in no time the Andhra Comrades rejected merging with his organization. The A.P.C.C.C.R preapared draft Programme Path and Constitution for Unity Talks.There were only 4 organisations in the Unity Conference. They were A.P.C.C.R, West Bengal Coordination Committee, North Zone Committee and West Bengal Communist Unnity Centre.
In April 1975the birth of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India took place. It was inaugurated by Comrade D.V Rao. The unity conference adopted a resolution on martyrs, programme, path, method of work, constitution and a statement on unification…
.
. It was led by the Punjab Co-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries which was earlier a part of the Punjab CPI (ML) led by Jagjit Singh Johal which upheld the Charu Mazumdar left adventurist line. However the Ferozepur Bhatinda Committee went out of the Punjab CPI (ML) affiliated to Charu Mazumdar’s all India Group. They brought out a document stating that the Charu Mazumdar line was in contradiction to Mao’s thesis of People’s protracted war. (Please refer to article on The Proletarian Mass Line for details.)
On June 20th, 1969 a meeting of Communist revolutionaries was held to discuss the issue of the formation of the party. The 2 questions to be discussed were whether it was justified to form it, and were appropriate methods used? The meeting concluded that the present circumstances were wrong. The party organisation was to be formed from the leadership that emerged from the struggles.
The Punjab co-ordination committee issued this press statement “Due to political differences we break our relationship with C.PI.M.L. In Punjab their activities are left adventurist. They oppose the process of people’s protracted war. We do not want to be arrested in self-destructive tendencies.”
The Punjab co-ordination committee issued this press statement “Due to political differences we break our relationship with C.PI.M.L. In Punjab their activities are left adventurist. They oppose the process of people’s protracted war. We do not want to be arrested in self-destructive tendencies.”
In 1974 the Punjab Co-ordination Committee published a document why they demarcated themselves from Charu Mazumdar’s CPI (ML):1. Since the socio-economic conditions differ and political consciousness varies from place to place, the revolutionary movements have to pass through various stages, and different tactics would have to be used at various places.
2. To ignore open and legal struggles is left adventurism. These will contribute to the development of armed struggle.
3. Annihilation of class enemies leads to the emergence of feelings of hero worship and retards revolutionary initiative.
4. To ignore partial and economic struggles is dogmatism. The working class will have to pass through various phases of struggle.
5. Mass organisations will have to be formed such as peasant, worker and student organisations.
6. Although the rural areas are the main areas of struggle the movement cannot exclude the mass organisations in urban areas.
7. Individual annihilations do not comprise people’s war. The CPI (ML) is too simplistic about it.
8. The CPI (ML) ignores the fact that the People’s democratic revolution will occur under the leadership of the proletariat, particularly the industrial working class.
2.Communist Revolutionaries and Elections
-Elections-It is fascinating that although this compiled work below is from the 1989 Organ of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India it was 32 years ago that a similar resolution was passed on the stand in the March 1977 elections.(After the Emergency) by the D.V Rao led U.C.C.R.I.(M.L).This stand refute active boycott and participation through advocating revolutionary no –participation. Today the roots of left sectarianism and right opportunism lie in these stands.Groups from the Chandra Pulla Reddy origin like New Democratic,the C.P.I.(M.L)Liberation Group and he current C.P.I(M.l) led by Kanu Sanyal have capitulated because of participation.The C.P.I.(Maoist)still upholds ‘active Boycott’ tacticsand infact considers it a strategic path.It gives no role to participation in elections at any point of he struggle.From the 1980’s the D.V section openly participated in electins while the Miuktigami group in retrospect supported participation and condemned the the 1977 resolution as sectarian.
Comipled From Journal Comrade no 5 December 1989There can be 3 tactics deployed in The elections. Either you adopt the tactic of ‘ active boycott’ or that of participation.,or that of ‘active political campaign.’In all cases the political campaign should consist of
a.exposing the uselessness of he present parliamentary institutions.
b. explaining the impossibility of achieving political liberty and social emancipation by parliamentary methods and
c .Explaining the necessity of armed Struggle in the form of protracted Peoples War centered around the agrarian question and of establishing he organs of peoples power,i.e of peoples democracy. The crucial aspects should be made are to the people by integrating hem with examples of the pat and present experiences and by concrete exposure of the deception of he ruling classes, their institutions and political parties. The only difference I his regard of implementing the basic tactics are the slogans of action they give an he pace which with theory work. Slogans of action have to be allotted in accordance to level of revolutionary movement at a given time.
Boycott is a higher form of struggle which is associated with imminent direct revolutionary action of the masses against the state and with setting up of organs of political power . For this,the party of the proletariat should have established it’s leadership over the revolutionary movement and prepared itself, politically and organizationally ,to lead the people’s armed struggle along with setting up suitable organs of political; power. Without this the boycott slogan will become meaningless, and futile as far as the realization of it’s full revolutionary potential is concerned. It will lead to cynical attitudes amongst the people.
On the other hand for adopting the revolutionary utilisation of participation in election as legal form of Struggle, the emergence of revolutionary democratic elements is a necessity. It need a proletarian party organization to train and control a cadre team for his specialized activity, to organise a legal front without liquidating the illegal party structure, and to link and co-ordinate the activities of its members in these institutions with the direct revolutionary struggles of the people.Othrwise it will blunt the class –consciousness of the people, blur he political demarcation between the party of the proletariat and the ruling class political parties and will be a weapon in the hands of the ruling class forces to defeat he proletarian vanguard.
At present a unified, effective and influential party is lacking Comunist revolutionaries are only in the formative stage-in the sage of re-organisatin. In most areas ,any Communist Revolutionary Organisation is yet to establish it’s identity,I the field of organization and mass -political influence.The level of political consciousness and organization of the people is lagging behind their actual practice of struggle or the objective potential for evolutionary struggle.F or asimilar reason,the emergence and development of revolutionary democratic elements is delayed .It is because of this situation that he present acute political crisis is not being converted into a revolutionary crisis. A general mood of distrust of leaderships and cynical indifference to political affairs and developments that a further hurdles are being created..
But or this circumstances the C.R’s could have in condition of great turmoil adopted the tactics of ‘Active Boycott’ and and called upon the revolutionary forces to carry out he agrarian revolutionary programme, conducted armed struggle and set up alternative organs of peoples power. In other times ,under adverse political conditions they could have participated in the electins as a tactical ploy.
Toady there are 2 serious deviations. The first one is that of carrying out ‘Boycott’tactics without the scope of direct revolutionary mass action and setting up of parallel organs of political power. The second is of using participation tactics without the proletarian party,sufficient mass opolitical influence and other necessary organizational means.It will organizationally lead to liquidationsim and politically to tailism
The only possible campaign is that of ‘Active Political Campaign’.They must build mass revolutionary struggles They must urge the people to rely and concentrate on their own struggle movement and organization-building to prepare for direct revolutionary mass action against the ruling classes and their institutions of political power.
In the campaign the Comunist Revolutionaries should analyse the specific features which get manifest in ruling class politics and their manouvres in elections. Eg Warring factions of ruling classes and their political representatives.T he uselessness of parliamentary institutions must be explained as well as parliamentary methods. The political objective of the working class movement and the democratic revolutionary movement led by it should be projected.
The campaign should consist of
A.Contracting the professed programmes of the ruling class parties with their actual practice and with the bitter experience of the peole in regard to their worsening economic conditions.
b. Explaining that the root cause of the economic misery is that of the semi –feudal, semi-political economy and The autocratic state structure , and that without eliminating the root cause there is no hope for meaningful change.
C .Explaining the people to depend o their own organized strength and struggle, and have no illusions of false talk of civil librties .The people must be explained the need o establish their own political power .
d. Pushing the proletariat and other sections to to pursue heir just revolutionary struggles, to build up their respective mass organizations and united Front organizations to be able to raise heir struggles to a higher plane and establish their own rule. Peoples Democracy to be executed through genuine representative institutions of the people-the revolutionary organs of political power.
e. Explaining the road masses the features of he new people’s republic that they are fighting for, in the interests of the various revolutionary classes.
In the present day context 2 points are of exceptional importance. The first one is.
a.Exposing the nefarious role of ruling class parties in utilizing communal sectarian divisons among the people, explain the connection between the electoral needs of the party and the lives of the masses and tell the masses about the need to rebuff such dirty manouvresof the ruling class parties.
It is interesting to quote Comrade Tarimala Nagi Redy in 1969 when speaking to an Swedish Journalist.
“’Revolutionaries take part in the elections and legislative bodies to expose their fraudulent character and convince the masses of the revolutionary path.T.N told Swedish Journalists ‘WE can go in for armed struggle in a really a large area and still sit in parliament in other areas when armed struggle is not going on’. Comrade T.N went on to make a most significant statement in an interview with Swedish Journalists: The difficulties are of course our own mistakes during the last 16 years, which have naturally led to condition of disorganization. To be frank we are not organized in the way we ought to be if we are to function in a revolutionary way. We have created an illusion among the people about parliamentary action, organized the communist party’s machinery in a parliamentary way . The old unselfish tendency has gone to waste ,the old hard work has vanished. We must re-build.T hat is the greatest difficulty.” If we had been carrying on the working class Struggles in the revolutionary way during these 16 years ,we could probably also have used the parliament, ven if agrarian revolution was taking place in other areas. India has many different organizational revolutionary requirements. As for the future we must wait and see how things develop, how successful is our organisation’s work and how effective is the co-ordination of all these struggles. Then we must consider the various tactical possibilities open to us.
3.Mass Organisations and the Part-A document formulated by the U.C.C R.I.M.L led by Harbhajan Sohi in the late 1970’s.
Mass Organizations and the Party
This is a document circulated by the U.C.C.R.I(M.L)Nagi Reddy Group in Punjab in the early 1980’s or it’s ranks.(published in Comrade no.8-1991).In many instances organizations like C.P.I(M.L)-Party Unity Group,Maoist Communist Centre,C.P.I.(M.L)Peoples War Group Etc were unable to properly handle the contradiction between mass organsiations and the party and efforts were even made to impose Mao Tse Tung Thought on the mass organizations.(eg.RadicalStudents Union or All India league for Revolutionary Culture)They converted mass organsiations into Front Organizations, unable to completely give them their separate identity. In contrast groups like Chandra Pulla Reddy –SatyaNarayan Singh or Vinod Mishra’s Liberation group exhibited economist tendencies in mass organizationThe document may have weaknesses as it is virtually confined to Punjab. However it has relevance for the Indian Movement, even today.It is interesting how the Chinese Communist Party dealt with their youth Organization-the Communist Youth League.At one stage (during the first agrarian revolutionary war in 1927-1937)they totally opposed using the mass platform to propogate Marxism –Leninism(not naming it a ‘Communist’Youth League) but at he time of the Anti-Japanese War thought it was necessary.
Introduction
From the inception of the Communist Revolutionary Movement till today,sharp differences have cropped up on different occasions among Communist Revolutionaries on the role and importance of mass organizations ,their formation ,their relationship with the party,and the methods by which the party should work in these organizationsIn the initial stages of the movement the ‘left’adventurist sections,described mass organizations as “an obstacle in the way of revolution.”Only after the erroneous line had been defeated and the importance of mass organizations established did their followers of such thinking change their viewpoint.(earlier such sections claimed mass organizations as ‘revsionsist’,economists’and ‘renegades of the armed struggle.’)
However even when such Comunist revolutionary sections started participating in mass organizations they imposed party politics on mass organisationsT hey confused the party with the mass organization and use the mass organization platform to promote party ;politics..
Thee was sharp ideological political struggle and certain Comunist Revolutionaries even wanted to dismantle such mass organizations.Mass Organisations were turned into forums of direct party politics and efforts were made to impose Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thougt on hem.They even termed the Punjab Students Union,a bourgeois organization and they attempted to convert it into a Communist Youth Leaguewhich openly adhered to party politics.
Though at present this trend has receded it’s political infection survives.This pamphlet reflects on the important points concerned
a.Rise and development of mass organizations.
The process of emergence of mass organizations belongs to that period of social development in which the capitalist system developed itself after it’s victory ovr the feudal system. Even though during the pre-capitalist stage small crude forms of mass organizations were taking shape in an isolated manner,the process of their development as a widespread phenomena is predominant in the capitalist era.The large-scale capitalistic production created suc h objective conditions as were favourable for the workers/labourers to get united,moving along te path of class struggle. Earlier production used to take place in smaller ,localized and almost self-reliant units;this prevented different sections of working people ,involved in the production process from coming close toeaxch other,a nd uniting themselves as a class with self-consciousness.Large-Scale production permanently broke all the ties of the workers ,thus uniting them against the exploiter class.
A mass organization is a group of organized people who,judged from the aspect of their standing in the given production system, or from the aspect of occupation, objective interests and working conditions,ae uniform,a re said to comprise a mass organization. For instance, a factory of workers: All workers work in the factories owned by capitalitsThey earn heir wages by soling their labour power. Finaly they seek emancipation from the capitalist rule ,and for that purpose build a common organization of workers, that is called a mass organization of workers.
Like workers,employees,students,agricultural workers,peasants,shopkeepers,alos have their mass organizations.The workers belonging to different categories alo belong to different mass orgaisations i.e railway,shipyard ost and telegraph workers.This si because there are factory Unions belonging to different trades.Trae Union Organisations alos establish joint centres for common struggles,which atre known as trade Union Federations or Centres.
b.Role of Mass Organizations and Difference in functioning with that of a Party Organisation
The mass organization are an instrument for the revolutionary party to approach the maximum number of people, bringing them into the organized movement and imparting them the preliminary understanding and experience which may enable them to gars[p and absorb the revolutionary propaganda.T hey play the role of a transmission belt between the party and the people. That brings the people closer to the party and connects them with it. It helps the party reach a large number of non-party masses outside it’s fold.With it’s help the party kindles and influences various fields of class Struggle.
Comrdae talin writes:The overwhelming majority of these organizations are non –party, and only some of them directly adhered to the party,or constitute offshoots from it.All these organizations under certain conditions ,are absolutely necessary for he Working lass for without hemit would be impossible to consolidate the class positions of te proletariat in the diverse spheres of struggle.for without them it would be ipossible to steel the proletariat as the force wose mission isto replace the bourgeois order with the Socialist Order.
Thus mass organizations include in them vast sections,I large numbers,who still remain inaccessible to the Party of the Working Class,who are yet not prepared to accept he direct leadership of the party.The mass organizations attract thse peole into mass struggles and impart them with organizational and democratic awareness. They work as nurseries for producing such primary fighters of the class struggles.They thus work for producing the seedlings of the revolution and a fertile ground for the expansion of the Communist Party and the Movement.
Comrade Lenin stated “The development of the proletariat did not, and could not ,proceed anywhere in the world without trade Unions, through reciprocal action between them and the party of the Working class. The Trade Unions remain an indispensable “school of communism’ and a preparatory school that trains proletarians to exercise their dictataorship.
It is very important to differentiate between a party and amass organization.A mass organization is a organization for the partial struggle of the working class,t he party organization is an organization for basic struggle. A mass organization fights for immediate interests,t he partial demands of a section of a class;the party fioghts for the attainment of revolutionary transformation.
Only those sections can join the party who are politically conscious and are prepared to plunge themselves into a basic struggle. Only he most advanced and conscious sections of the working class ,who understand the ideology and politic s of the class viz,the communists alone can constitute its members. While,since amass organization is a struggle or immediate and partial interests, which even a common worker is aware of ,even the most backward sections of the concerned class can constitute it. n ordinary worker can join them.
The party of the working class must maintain it’s political ideological firmness to play the role of apolitical guide. This norm is violated by ‘left’ adventurist sections who impose their ideology as well as revisionist parties wo impose partymembership on a ordinary non-conscious striker.The ‘left’adventurists when they force ‘Mao Tse Tung Thought’on a mass organization, close the doors for for ordinary sections. In any section or class there remains a section who have different political views and are not willing to accept the ideology of the working class. When mass organizations have party politics imposed on hem the non-party sections, feel deprived and step aside from the mass organization.It is reduced to an arena of pro-party sections alone.
Thus party understanding must never be imposed o mass organizations in toto and the party must use the idioms of the masses.Instead of Marxist Leninist Terminology and formulations, a terminology should be derivated to reach out to he broad masses.
A party o he working class has to lead an allrouind struggle ,an thus has to establish leadership overall the fields and classes thata re essential for the revolution. It’s range of leadership is quite widespread. The mass organization has a limited range,and needs to only relate to it’s own class or section.
The minimum political programme of he party is o overthrow the exsiting clas rule based on exploitation and o[pression, and to replace it with a rule in which the working class has predominance.I t has to build a Communist Society.While a mass organization ,being an organization for partial demand,has for immediate programme the struggle for attainment of partial demands of tat class or section, wheras it’s highest goal is to convert itself into a fighting contingent of the motive forces of the revolution,by developing itself into an organization of a concerned class or section.
It is imperative for the party to to target every anti-people class rule.I t should command the standpoint of the revolutionary movement and stand by the overall revolutionary politics. The mass organization has to maintain a mass character and expected to raw political elements.
The Party must at all times assert it’s political positions and stand up with the courage of steel in the most adverse times It must always defend proletarian politics. The mass organizations act within the existing system. They,are expected to move taking he objective conditions and their strength into account.
The party is a tightly-knit organization with iron discipline,I ntegrating theory with practice,and is abused on the most politically advanced section s of the working class,.It must adopt underground and secretist style of work. Only then can it protect itself from the onslaughts of the state A lose and open party is inviting danger..In contrast a mass organization is an open organization. It thus cannot adhere to as strict a discipline as the party .It is a comparatively lose organization.
Relation between a party and a mass organization
While providing leadership o a mass organization he party of the working class does not find it difficult to retain a separate identity of it’s own as the champion of the overall interests of the working class. It provides its leadership from the overall standpoint of the revolutionary movement .During the current struggles of peasants the party through it’s propaganda provides them with a correct direction regarding the intention of both of the contending sides, the peasants an the govt,their reliable and vaccilating allies and opponents, the favourable and unfavourable conditions etc. The party maintains it’s separate identity as the champion of he basic interest of the working class by making the peasant movement more vigilant of the deception and allies of the opportunist political forces, exposing the anti-peasant nature of he state structure and the need and methods of destroying the prevalent system./The party leads from the overall revolutionary standpoint in connection with the making of a common cause with those allies of the peasant movement who can stand up with it against the common enemy.
On different occasions ,the concerned mass organizations may adopt hat part of the party’s propaganda that suits their given level and need .Through sustained and repeated propaganda by the party,the imageof the party being for them is increased, and the party’s leadership gains credibility.The mass organizations respect the party’spropoganda and more advanced sections are developed from them.
The party must introduce politics that matches with the level of political consciousness that exists in amass organization.The masses must be able to assimilate that level of politics.T he quantity and quality of politics has to be analysed.
Comrade Stalin writes;Non –party organisatins,trade Unuiions and co-opratives etc.should be officially subordinated to the party leadership.It only means hat membersof he party who belong to these organizations an are influential should place their utmost energy to persuade these non-party organizations to draw nearer to the party of he proletariat in their work and voluntarily accept it’s party leadership.
The party politics must not be imposed The politics introduced should be on par with the average level of consciousness of amass organization member.Excess of politics introduced will violate the democratic spirit.
Several people perform the functions of a party and mass organization activist. Withi a mass organization a party member must work within her discipline of that mass front. They will have to abide wit the same norms as non-party members doNow they have to wok under the identity o amass activist. The need of the mass organization becomes the need oF the party itself.
Party activists can alos have dual identity in a mass organisation.They function as party members,within the discipline of the mass organization.
Sometimes conflicts occur when more than 2 political forces act within one organization. Here the norms of the mass organisatin concerned must not be violated even if political struggle exists.If norms are violated such mass organisatins become areanas of party politics.Political groups of conflicting trends should avoid dragging politics or differences into the mass organization. Onl;y those differences should be resolved which are compatible to the understanding of the members of the mass organization.Only he differences of the politics the masses can assimilate should be debated.
The dominating faction of amass organization should not behave arrogantly, and not take decisions that are prejudicial against the political interests of another faction. Similarly, the minority faction should not resort to unorganisational methods .
A Front organization is one that openly identifies itself with the party.The distinction of a front organization fro an ordinary mass organization is that the mass sections accept the leadership of the party. In a revolutionary movement for long phases the the situation for running mass organizations as front organizations dose not arise.Comrade Lenin stated “If we in Russia today, after two and ahalf years of unprecedented victories over the bourgeoisie of Russia and the ntente,wee to make’recognition of the dictatorship’ a condition of trade Union membership ,we would be doing a very foolish thing, damaging our influences amongst the mases.,and helping the Mensheviks.We must convince he backward element,s to work among them, and not to fence themselves of from them with artificially childish ‘left’slogans.
The party must always handle the contradiction between the mass character of the mass organization and the political content and not impose the politics of advanced political content.
When the direct leadership of ther party would not become a bar in joining the organizations, and when ,despite this a factor even the backward sections may be willing to join them, then it is allright for such organizations to work as Front organizations.
Harsh Thakor said
Struggles depicting the mass line in Punjab i which Comrade Harbhajan Singh Sohi played a major role.
Mass Line against Khalistani terrorism(Punjab)
Background
The reactionary communal Khalistani fascist movement advocated the liberation of Sikhs and a separate state tobe carved out for the Sikh people. Khalistani ideology advocated a separatetheocratic state based on all the tenets of Sikhism.
Jagjit Singh Chauhan was the founder of this movement in the late 60’s
abroad. Natively from Punjab he had settled abroad, and in Britain formed
Sikh religious groups advocating a new state for the Sikhs.The Khalistani dictates included a ban on cigarettes, a ban on eating meat,a ban on drinking liquor, a ban on beauty parlours, prohibition againstshaving and compulsion of women to wear Salwar Kameez. The people had toobserve the Khalistani code in all ways of life.
In Punjab the Akali Dal represented the religious Sikh politics through the
Akali movement which had its origin in the Singh Sabha movement of the late
1920’s which tried to communalise a secular anti-imperialist movement. To
divert it, the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabhandak committee was formed with the
blessings of the British.
The Akali movement professed the Anandpur Sahib resolution that converted
several democratic issues into Sikh demands. Democratic demands of the
people like the arrest of the Jodhpur detenues, the sharing of river waters
with Haryana, the transfer of the capital from Chandigarh to Amritsar, and
the punishing of criminals during the Delhi riots were taken up as religious
issues.
From the early 80’s to the early part of the 90’s the state of Punjab was
ravaged by Khalistani terrorism. Communal fascists were a great threat to
the people’s democratic movement. The Akali Dal represented the Sikh
communalists while the Congress represented the Hindu communalism. Both
parties used the communal terrorists against each other.
Indira Gandhi created and patronized Bhindranwale, a Sikh communal fanatic,
to electorally defeat the Akali Dal. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale belonged to
a Sikh fundamentalist sect which opposed the electoral Akali Dal politics.
In the earlier phases the Akali Dal patronized the Sikh fundamentalist
forces, harbouring several terrorists in religious temples. However when the
contradiction between the Khalistani liberation and Akali Dal ideology
became acute, the Congress won Bhindranwale to their side to de-stabilise
the Akali Dal, the ruling party.
It is significant that here a great role is played to the importance of maintaining the correct role of the mass organization with he party and the need of building mass resistance and not merely deploy armed squad actions. In the period of the Khalistani Movement the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L) Nagi Reddy Group(later became C.C.R.I. after merging with the Revolutionary Communist Party of India led by Takra in Punjab ) in Punjab displayed outstanding theoretical clarity .It led outstanding examples of mass revolutionary resistance and building of mass line.(One of the most outstanding examples in the history of the Communist Movement in India)It played a major role on the formation and functioning of the anti-repression and anti-communal Front . Below are compiled struggles from their revolutionary journal(taken from Comrade no.5 –Dec.1989) when the organization was known as he U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)Nagi Reddy Group. It effectively answered the trend that promoted armed squad actions ,replacing mass resistance.(It may not be the mass line in I totality )Today similarly armed squads of the C.P.I(Maoist),however sincere they are actually implement the line of the ‘annihilation of the class enemy’ to a great extent,carrying out military actions in place of mass armed movements.(They lead a big movement in Andhra Pradesh,Bihar,Jharkand and Dandkaranya but their line is vitiated by left adventurism)
In such a demanding situation our organization and some revolutionary Groups took a clearcut and resolute stand against Khalistani and State terrorism. We stepped up the propaganda campaign against them. However a mere propaganda campaign was not enough o combat the Khalistani terrorists it was necessary to build a great number of checkpoints,in the form of revolutionary mass resistance centres to stem the tide of communal fanaticism and of both kinds of reactionary terrorism. The weak and divided revolutionary movement was the stumbling block I taking any worthwile initiative ion this direction.
So to pool and organize every bit of resentment and anger of all the positive forces against communalism and reactionary terrorism,the building up of a platform was the crying need of the hour.The “Front against Repression and Communalism’ was the need of the hour.
Our organization had played a most important role in the formulation and policy of the Front and in planning it’s structure. Our organization circulated a position paper on this issue. The position paper became the basis of the common programme of the Front which was approved by participating groups..In this programme Hindu and Sikh Communalism are equal enemies of the Front.Similarly Khalistani and State terrorism should be equally opposed.Congress Rulers, all groups of Akali Dal,Khalistani terrorists and Hindu ommunalists such as Shiv Sena are the criminals responsible for Punjab’s tragedy. Communist Revolutionaries, democratic forces,secular-minded people,who agreed with he programme were included.The policy of taking Khalistani and State terrorism as equal enemies has a very important implication. The implication is that for the security of their life and property from Khalistani fascist gangs,people should not rely on the state security forces. People have to prepare themselves mentally, organizationally and materially to resist it militarily. There should be no reliance on police guards for the security of the functions of the Front and Front leaders should reject armed licenses .A special emphasis should be placed on the recruitment of fighting elements of the people into volunteer force. The Front formulated this policy ” Don’t have any hopes from the govts, for defence make your own arrangements.”
Wherever the front Units seriously implemented their work groups of young volunteer have emerged to bar any risk in the fight against Khalistani terrorists and have played a vanguard role in the defence of the movement against Communal terrorism At many places, where Khalistani terrorists had banned rallies and demonstrations against them, there the Front Units, basing on their volunteer force, defiantly challenged this ban and successfully organized public functions. During the social reform campaign,of the Khalistanii terrorists the Front prepared the people for self-defence. The Khalistani gangs were threatening the people with a death sentence to impose their programme with regards to dress, diet,cultural customs. Gangs of Khalistanis were disrupting he social life of the people e.They marched on the streets with naked swords in their hands. Humiliating and thrashing Hindus an Sikhs. Here are some struggles of significance.
I he area of our party work ‘A’ Our main party activist was a mass leader. During Operation Bluestar the area had become a battleground between the followers of the terrorists and the village people. A gang of Sikh fanatics wanted to usurp the land of a Hindu temple and turn it into a Gurudwara.This attack was repulsed by village people under our party leadership. In a nearby town a gang of Sikh fanatics obstructed a demonstration organised by our comrades and challenged the leader of the demonstration. The accompanying volunteer squad attacked the gang with firearms and repulsed the fanatics. Within a short period of time the police searched the Gurudwaras throughout Punjab.(Operation Bluestar)fter Operation Bluestar our main activist was put on top of he Khalistani hit list,and became the convener of the Front of the area. The Khalistani gangs Social reform program was in full swing and even paralysed the Barnala State machinery. The Front Unit of the are announced a conference and demonstration against the Communal gangs.2000 people participated and about 1600 people marched through town mostly armed with conventional weapons. Loudspeaker extensions were even arranged o other suitable places in he town from sympathizers who dared participate ion the Front’s demonstration .The mass defiance attacked the Khalistani gangs like a spear thrust through them .
The Sikh Communal gangs retaliated by organizing their area level conference and invited Baba Joginder Singh. The gang beat up 2 Hindu Shopkeepers on the plea that they sold bidies. In retaliation the village people thrashed he gang. The Participants of the Sikh Communal conference participating left the venue and reached the place of the incident now again became aggressive but seeing he preparation of the village people got scared Eventually they retreated to the Conference venue.This was the first time in Punjab when the Sikh Communal elements had to eat humble pie .Some months later the Front Unit of the area had to deny strenuous police efforts to prevent their meeting. Inspite of police arrests and terrorisng the Front held a succesful programme.
When this news reached Town ‘B’ another political centre of the area, followers of he Front asserted that an armed march should be held to confront the social eform campaign .Within a few days,about 200 volunteers of the Front armed with conventional weapons organized an anti-Khalistani demonstration. As assault he Front’s militant activities2 Hindu Shopkeepers beat up a gang of Sikh fanatics. This faith in the Front was shown when the shopkeepers did not contact he police but went to he Front office. This closeness was earned at the time of Operation Bluestar when our comrades circulated hand-writtten material via rooftops A free public kitchen was organized in a locality of labourers who were starving due to unemployment. After Operation Bluestar the front Unit organized programmes involving all sections,like milkmen, electricians, cooks ,rickshaw pullers tenthouse owners Etc.
IN town C an armed demonstration was held y 1500 people which was confronted by Khalistani terrorists and the Police forces. The brave Front activists successfully held the demonstration and repulsed the State terrorists and the communal terrorists.
I Village d a successful political cum cultural public function was held where Hindus and Sikhs participated.
The greatest show of strength was when 8000 people participated in a Front demonstration.
Observations :
Our correct policy enabled us to win over trading sections who were difficult to reach through revolutionary democratic organizations. We effectively fought the trend that wished the Front to emerge into communist evolutionary Centre instead of a mass resistance Front. Thus we could reach vast sections of victim s of communal fanaticism and reactionary terrorism,. We also fought the trend which insisted that the Font do any joint activity with any political party who agreed to its common programe. We asserted that the platform should not be used to project the image of party leaders .There was a left tendency to do joint activities with mass organizations an thus attach them as Front organizations.T his is a form of imposing oneself upon the people.
The Front also answered those forces with defective political understanding with defective mass approach and incorrect work methods who hardly advanced their wok beyond a propaganda routine. They advocated retaliatory armed actions by armed squads of revolutionary groups.We answered this on a practical plane by organizing mass level resistance from scratch. against Communal fascist gangs.
In areas where we were strong we worked with the perspective of building checkpoints. Against the Khalistani onslaught W e built mass revolutionary resistance .We organized defensive armed demonstrations where we had a solid mass base and organizations in different sections-particularly among the basic masses o the people. Defensive armed actions or red terror may be organized as an activity supplementary to the peoples mass resistance basing on it and advancing it.
In our Weak areas we worked in mentally and emotionally preparing the people.for the impending eventuality.
We also won sections who dared identify with the Front We helped them build their separate platforms.
According to Chairman Mao’s teachings, when the enemy attacks us it means we are on the right track. Leaders of Front Units wee put on the hit lists of terrorists,while on the other hand the police have raided the Front’s office at some places and arrested its leaders and activists.
Contrasting Platforms
The ‘Front against repression and Communalsim’could not be a front comprising of the revolutionary democratic organizations belonging to respective organizations as the issue was beyond the scope of mass organizations. It could also not be a Front comprising of political organizations belonging to the Communist Revolutionary Camp, as the issue had a broader mass appeal for the involvement of such braoder sectionsof democratic,secular and non-communal forces,whose participation in the Front would not be possible ,if it comprised of the Communist Revolutionary forces based on Marxism-Leninsim Mao Tse Tung Thought..
The Front against Repression and Communalism, Punjab could not only maintain it’s existence ,despite several ups and owns ut function successfully implementing it’s common plan of action for years. It undertook highly successful propaganda campaigns in various parts of the state on a mass scale ,but could also mobilize the people at various places in great numbers in actual opposition and resistance to communal fascist terrorism and state terrorism, and was able to create ,during the trying times, several exempelary centres of revolutionary mass resistance against e dual reactionary monster of terrorism.The greatest achievement was organizing a state level function in the darkest days of Khalistani and state terrorism on July 10th 1987.
In contrast ,The Revolutionary Unity Centre formed by Comrade Gursharan Singh(famous revolutionary dramatist and supporter of the Communist Movement) was based on a declaration that professed Marxism –Leninism –Mao Tse Tung Thought as its guiding ideology,and the unity among Communist revolutionary forces as it’s goal. It allotted no specific programme. It’s pogramme was vague and non –specific .Importance was not give to revolutionary mass resistance. Only mere propaganda campaigns could be taken up or seminar type activities ,where the speakers would declare their latest political positions ,and contradict each other.(Held a state-wide rally from March 23rd to April 8th in 1987 opposing State and Khalistani terrorism commemorating Shaheed Bhagat Singh) The Revolutinary UnityCentre in contracts could not unify any 2 of it’s constituents .Being communist Revolutionary Centre it became an arena of conflicting trends interpreting Mao Tse Tung Thought differently. Several groups did not consider each other revolutionary and openly accused each other of being revisionist. Some of it’s constituents upheld he Socialist Revolution as their goal. Thus the formation of a revolutionary United front was contradictory because a centre forged with the specific goal of unity among different Communist Revolutinary Sections cannot be be the same as one created for a revolutionary democratic Front.. Secondly how could he upholders of the Socialist revolution as a goal agree with the upholders of the New democratic revolution. There was also a tendency to allow or invite the ‘Paigam’ group in the revolutionary camp which upheld the Khalistani
Movement.It was simply inviting those who the revolutionary forces labelled as ‘traitors’ or ‘revisionists’ to come into the front .Considering that there was such a severe debate on he polemical level amongst Communist Revolutionary groups it was virtually impossible for the Centre to be effective on the mass political plane.
It is interesting that the main advocate of this Centre the C.P.I(M.L)Resistance or Chandra Pulla Redy Group led by K.Ramchandran opposed the front claiming that mass organizations were needed for taking up partial and economic issues and the party should undertake political activities.It claimed that the formaton of such affront was alien to Marxis Leninism.We held that this was a totally unmarxist formulation.Communists can never consider mass organisations stood be purely economic ones.This was a most eclectic formulation. Mass Organisations play a mass –political role I the revolutionary movement and in specific situation s mass –political platforms have top be built.
1993 Sewewala Martyrs Conference(report from Punjab Compiled from Comrade no 12 –Decembr 1993)of the C,C.R.I)-This report was made by acorrespondentwho interviwed a organizer of he C,C.R.I.which had ben formd in 1988.(merger of 5 groups)
On April 9th 1991 Megh Raj Jagpal Singh, Karam Singh, Pappy, Gurjant Singh and 9 other Front activists were massacred in Sewevala in Faridkot district. To commemorate their death a statewide protest took place which culminated in a 10,000 strong rally in Sewewala where people assembling from allover the state, armed with traditional weapons as well as raising anti-Khalistan and anti-State slogans were mobilised. A self-defence barricade was made against the Khalistani terrorists and police protection was opposed. Echoes of the revolutionary spirit reverberated in the hearts of the people assembled like a light radiating over them. It appeared like a huge red flame had lit the Sewewala village. The martyrdom of the Sewewala Martyrs wrote a new chapter in the history of the Indian Communist Movement.
The decline of the Khalistani Movement was significant but as far as village Sewewal was concerned none of the local acomplies of the Khalistani gang,its harbourers, or known supporters were even arrested,interrogated or beaten.Infact the local accomplices of the Khalistani gangs were freely roaming all over the lace.An open and Known Khalisatni Group went on intimidating and terrorizing the villagers
2 years later a commemoration programme was launched which depicted a classic example of mass line.After a considerable study of the political situation it was decided to launch a commemoration programme for the Sewevala martyrs.The Harijan basti region was where the programme was launched .
The respective sate-levellaeding committee of the Front and the C.C.R.I undertook a comprehensive and concrete analysys of the prevailing situation before deciding on the holding of he function in Sewewala.The Khalisatni terrorist movementwas on the wane ,but all the objective conditions necessary for it’s resurgence existed, and it was far from bein totally crushed.In view of our organized persistent resistance ,we presumed the Khalistani forces would not attack Sewewala.Moreover,fearing retaliatory attacks,the local accomplices of the terrorists can hardly co-operate. Elaborate and tight security arrangements would further dissuade the terrorists from undertaking such a venture.e The situation is very tough and challenging.It has a huge revolutionary potential for he advancement of he anti-communal,anti terroris democarti Struggle as wella s for agrarian revolutionary movement.The bold and daring activities of the revolutinay democratic movement can isolate the Khalistani elements and wi over the dalitand landless classes.A good section of the Jat middle peasntry can be won over.
After reaching a general consent of villagers and the residents of the Harijan Basti a secret meeting of 7-8 pro-party militants was held.The local mass militants were bitterly critical of the inadequate security arrangements at the time of the massacre ,2 years previously and felt humiliated but they shared their intense hatred for the Khalistani terrorists.The political activist of the revolutionary group made a self-critical appraisal of their earlier approach which reduced their anger and brought them closer to the revolutionary Group.He pledged that now the masses would be organised to enable them to receive much stronger self -defence and Front leaders would be far more vigilant of enemies.A list of potential allies and enemies A list of potential allies and enemies was drawn out.A calculated action programme was chalked out to win over the maximum support of the Harijan Basti.
The survey of the village revealed that Khalistani terror broadly existed over both the landed and landless peasantry.Only a small section of the Landed peasantry sympathised with the Front and even these sections would not openly identify with the Front Programme.The rest of the peasant households remained neutral.The Harijans were unwilling to take the risk again.However,as a result of their social class the Harijans were easy to win over.I t was now decided to deploy a plan of work whereby the advanced elements of the youth would be won over followed by the middle and backward layer.This plan proved most fruitful,as a great section of revolutionary youth were won over.
However the Harijan elders were reluctant to join .The Front organised family meetings to combat this obstacle as well as promised greater security plans for them at meetingsWeapons were displayed in the basti for this purpose..The Front giving concrete examples explained what revolutionary resistance to the 2 pronged Khalistani and State terror was about giving vivid examples of their experience.The class hatred of such families was strengthened by this method.The Harijans were explained how they would be liberated from the tyranny of the rich Sikh Landowners and Pro0Khalistani Sections.During these meetings each participant was allotted a particular duty after being assesssed.Male members were given duties involving preparations, while women and children were allotted the task of obtaining information about the enemies. In less than 2 weeks ,almost the entire Harijan Basti supported the Front. However a self-styled leader of the basti as well as Pro-Khalistani elements opposed the programme stating that they would lathi charge the programme.Enraged section of the Youth retaliated trying to give those reactionary elements a sound thrashing but the Front curbed them explaining them to adopt a correct approach.
Khalistani elements mainly belonging to the Jat peasantry continued to threaten this programme through terror methods over villagers.They carried out a campaign of deliberate lies against the Harijans inciting class hatred against the Dalits.The landed peasantry were told by these elements that the Harijans would snatch their lands.They also spread rumours that an attack similar to the one at Sewevala would take place and hundreds would be killed.
Now the Front organisers concentrated on winning over sections of the Jat peasantry.Unfortunately when a group of Harijan youth went on a propaganda campaign the communalised sections of the Jat Peasantry misbehaved and tore up their pamphlets and posters.However the youth kept calm and thus foiled the attempt of these reactionary forces in creating a clash between the Jat peasants and the Harijans.After this incident 2 contrasting events took place.One section of Harijans were depressed by the aggressive behaviour of the Jats.They wanted to postpone the programme.However another section were outraged and were impatient in holding the programme.This attitude was predominant in the youth who stated that there was no need to win over the Jat peasantry to hold the programme.
Now all efforts were concentrated on the mobilisation of the Harijan basti.A huge range of family meetings took place.There was now even a great response from women.
After this state-wide preparations were made for the programme-the State Committee of the revolutionary organisation issuing a leaflet explaining the history of the Punjabi masses in combating the communal terror and the State terror. On March 21st a mass meeting of activists was held to pay homage to the Sewewala Martyrs and chalk out plans for the conference on April 9th.A 10 member preparation committee was elected which facilitated this propaganda in labour colonies.A shaheedi conference was held on April4th on April 4th to pay homage to the heroes where 800 people participated. The families of 2 martyrs of the Sewewala massacre were presented with momentoes.
A massive security programme was launched by the Front.The Harijan masses of the basti played a major role in gathering information about the role of the enemies. The women and children played a major role in this. They made a thorough study of the enemy’s moves ,motives and movements. The deployment of adequate and proper weapons was given emphasis. However the emphasis was given on the broad masses asserting their right to self-defence.Trained volunteers were also to play an instrumental role.2 dozen youth of the basti associated themselves as guards ,couriers and vigilance keepers as well as spying on the enemy.
A day before the programme security was installed on the roofs of the exterior of the basti .Trained volunteers manned them. Barricades were installed in the lanes and by-lanes to prohibit the entry of suspicious elements. The Barricades were provided cover by armed volunteers positioned on rooftops. All security posts were covered with a special signal system A network of couriers was organised which raced from one spot to the other exchanging information. All posts had their own commanders and an operational zone operating under a unifying a higher command.
On the day of the programme, entry was entitled only by identity passes. A Harijan Dharamshala staged the programme.Slogans such as “Down with Khalistani and State terrorism “and “Long Live the Sewewala Martyrs “were painted on the boundary walls of the building.The ground was decorated with red Flags and a bed of red sand. Amidst flower petals name plates of martyrs were placed. A community kitchen served cooked and sweet packed rice to the participants. From the home village of martyred comrade Megh Raj Baghtuana, a contingent of 70 men, women and children carrying red flags and escorted by girl volunteer reached Sewewala.The women participants numbered more than 150 in the conference. By 12 o’clock,3,000 people had arrived, more than2/3 from the agricultural labourers,industrial labourers,electricity workers and other working sections. Leaders Amolak Singh and Jaspal Jassi adressed the gathering. At 12.30 the Family members of the martyrs came on stage.Amolak explained people the anti-people nature of the Khalistani terrorists and the State. He explained how the Jat peasantry (Middle Sections of the peasantry)had fallen victim to the Khalistani poisonous propaganda.
2.05 was the exact time of the attack on the Sewewala Martyrs 2 years previously. At that time perhaps one of the most emotional scenes in the history of the Communist movement in India.
The winning over of the Harijan peasantry was a great achievement but the inability to influence the Jat Peasantry was a major setback. The front issued an ordinary appeal to the Jat Peasantry.The front projected it’s pro-people policies and explained that the Khalistani elements were only trying to poison their minds with lies and false propaganda regarding the Front. It was explained that such elements were trying to wedge the gap between the Jat peasantry and the Harijan labourers.However as these programmes took place ,reports took place about the movements of suspected terrorists. This became a major threat and security was strengthened. The Front persuaded supporters to contribute a day’s labour in donation. While the harvesting was taking place a bunch of suspected elements were tracked. A red Alert was issued .At night such elements were observed near a Harijan basti.An attack was anticipated and the volunteers resorted to firing to thwart the suspected elements.Again there was a totally contrasting reaction between the Jats and the Harijans.The landed Jat peasantry took it as an attack on the Harijans against them as a provocation while the Harijan peasantry defended the firing of the volunteers .The latter were now more confident of repulsing attacks by class enemies.
The conference also set abase for the winning over of sectns of the middle peasants and thus create an alliance beween the Jat and the Dalit sections.A platform was also created to build the evolutionary mass organsiation of the landless labourers.
The great achievement of the martyrs conference was that a most favourable situation was turned into a favourable situation reminiscent of the Vietcong who heroically defeated the American forces in the Vietnam war.The campaign also effectively answered the question of the mass revolutionary line over the line of squad actions.A n earlier supporter of Squad actions stated”What we achieved here can not be achieved by a squad action.”Another Student leader stated”Mass revolutionary line is invincible and armed squad action cannot substitute it”.A volunteer Student Group stated”We have gained a valuable experience in the mass revolutionary line.”The polemics the Communist Revolutionary Organisation applied in the building up and holding of the conference was comparable in correctness to the polemics of Comrade Mao before the Chinese revolution.The policy of learning from the masses and then educating them and learning correct ideas from the masses was meticulously applied.
In the phase when hey were combating he Khalistani militant in the late 1980′ s the organization built a superb struggle network that spread rom village to village. The fact that it created bastions of mass military resistance is a complement as a result of dedicated planning, preparing the masses and the correct method of working within a mass organization.Party Politics was never imposed on the Front.It could also reach other sections like trading Communist and teachers-so integral to the mass line.With great precision it evaluated the strengths fo the ememy and the masses co-relation with them.(studied the level of political consciousness of the masses) It’s theoretical explanation of polemical issues is brilliant in the light of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse ung thought.Simlar situations took lace during the Chinese Revolution in the light of assessing the strengths of the enemy in co-relation with that with the masses and the kind of mass –political platform needed to be built.
Succesful May Day Programme(Punjab)
2 revolutionary Groups in Punjab decided that on May day besides projecting their political understanding the aspect of Unity and solidarity of trade Union forces should be emphasised.The following steps were decided.
1. Approach All Communist Revolutionary Groups to issue joint Statements and leaflets,wallposters Etc.in the name of political organisations to propogate May Day message.
2. The editor of their mass political paper should approach other revolutionary democratic papers to publish a joint May Day editorial.
3. On the level of Mass Organisations our mass leaders should approach all pro-people Mass Leaders under the influence of other democratic forces.All the participant forces should sought out a minimum common understanding which is to be projected from such platforms
4. If in any place joint platforms are not possible, various mass organizations should demonstrate together towards the end of their separate May Day Functions.
Implementation
In one industrial City ‘A’ we had a known mass organization of amongst Industrial Workers. And influene among railway workers.At a representative meeting of various mass organizations of industrial workers, democratic Rights Organisation,roadway workers,Textile Workers and Railway Workers,telephone employees,and hospital employees.It was decided that all these organisations would have their separate May Day functions and culminate proceedings with a joint demonstration.Center of Indian Trade Unions,the upper Echelons of the All India Trade Union Congress and the H.M.S backed Out.However the local representatives of those mass organisations wished to join the front.
Before May Day a propaganda programme was launched.A troupe of about 50 workers and some industrial workers performed a march in an industrial Area.On 30yh April, a troupe of about 100 workers marched through half a dozen Industrial areas.35to 40 workers interspersed a wrestling show.
On the 1st May Morning,slogan shouting workers arrived from various industrial areas and assembled at the office.After a brief flag hoisting ceremony the workers marched to the main industrial Area.After preparatory gate meetings in colonies,a group of 70 to 80 Railway workers organized 70 to 80 torch -light procession.In the joint function 800 people,comprising Industrial Workers,railway workers,telephone employees, roadway employees,Nepali workers,Women and Students and democratic Rights activists held a rally.The rally pased by the rally held by the C.I.T.U (Trade Union Front of Revisionist C.P.M)Rally.The organisers of that function started giving revolutionary slogans in order to hold up their participants and to prevent them from being won over by the Revolutionary Democratic Forces.Sensibly, the leadres of the demonstration of revolutionary forces avoided a tussle thus raising a feeling of solidarity with the audience of that function.
In another town ‘B’the Communist Party of India had a stronghold. The Communist Party of India member had won 3 assembly elections from this constituency. Here there was ony one mass organization under our leadership comprising of technical workers of the electricity board. Our organization of electricity workers gave a call to organize a solidarity committee in support of he struggling doctors .TheC.P.I-C.PM left parties sabotaged 3 meetings demonstrating solidarity to the struggling doctors As the result of a correct method of work revisionist trade Union leaders were isolated and pressurized to form a solidarity committee of 21 Organizations. Earlier there had been a major tussle between the the mass revolutionary Forces and the Revisionists. The Communist revolutionaries had an organisation of electricity workers which gave a call to organise a general solidarity committee in support of the Struggling Doctors. The Revisionists tried to sabotage 3 meetings involving this struggle. Most of the Organizations in the Solidarity committee were attached to the revisionist parties.In the May Day programme,the Union of technical workers of the Electricity board gave a call for joint May Day celebrations. A meeting representing 16 mass organisations was called to finalize the programme.Revisionist leaders intervened in their meeting and reflected their undemocratic approach. They tried to foil all Unity Attempts. Ultimately 2 May Day platforms emerged-one led by the Communist Revolutionaries and one led by the Revisionists. The revisionists organized programmes to sabotage the Communist Revolutionary Programme.In the tussle the revolutionary forces captured 11 mass organisations from the Revisionists. The May Day function of the Revolutionary Forces had a revolutionary influence on the toiling people..The Communist Party of India also dominated the Trade Union Politics of the Region. However the Communist revolutionary Organisation distributed a leaflet to all mass Organisations of workers and employees jointly on May day. Fearing the influence of revolutionary onslaught on the people they launched a major mobilization campaign for the first time. Normally they would never bother to carry out a mobilization campaign. Competing with the revolutionary organisation for the first time the Communist Party of India was forced to do so. On the day of the function the revisionists were not able to attack the revolutionaries. This was because the Communist revolutionaries projected a creditable pro-people image in the ranks of members of mass organisations.A few mass Organisations left the C.P.I.platform and joined the revolutionary ranks! In 2 small -scale factories workers were divided. A section of them joined the section of revisionists and another joined the Communist Revolutionaries.
In town C a C.P.I.leader of he area ad won 3 assembly elections fro this constituency As a result of his the C.P.I had a major influence on the Trade Union Movement. .A bitter struggle was going on between our trade Union leaders and he one’s of the C..P.I.Inspite of this the Trade Union platform of the two n supported us and circulated aletter To the leaders of alL the mass organizations to join the May Day programme.The propaganda campaign of our mass organizations had a postive effect o the rank and file of he mass organizations attached to the revisionist trade Union Centre of the town.The revisionist leaders tried to counter this influence and tried to wean over cadres against participating. Meetings wee organized to dissuade hm from participating in the May Day programme of revolutionary fores.T hey organized an alternative campaign with wall posters,wall writings,stickers and banners.Usually,there MAy Day programme was merely performing the rituals and devoid of any propaganda or mobilization but this time facing competition from the revolutionary forces they had to act positively to attract the workers. Normally the C.PI would never organize.
Five Mass revolutionary mass papers under the initiative of a political organization of India published a joint May Day message. This was the first time so many revolutionary papers supporting different lines gave a joint Statement. With another political group a joint poster was pasted. The mass paper of the Inquilabi Jantak Leh’ issued a special May Day supplement supporting the mass revolutionary line. A joint May Day poster was also issued by 5 different revolutionary Organisations.
All the campaigns proved that there was a pressing need of developing revolutionary Centers of the Working Class which would consistently follow, the right trade Union policies and demolish the revisionist trade Union Centres.Although revisionist parties dominate the trade Union movement, there grip over trade Union activities and ranks is weak. One section of workers remains with the revisionists for petty political gains while the other bigger section belongs there as a result of no alternative revolutionary Centers of the Working Class.
This was a major lesson to revolutionary forces in winning over forces from the revsionsit camp I he trade Union Movement
Mike E said
moderator note to Harsh Thakor:
Please don’t post six long articles in a row here on our main Kasama site — it feels a bit like spamming, especially if you otherwise never engage our discussions.
We have created Kasama Threads where posting such articles is quite appropriate, feel free to post them there.