Mike Ely’s ‘Flat Earth’ Approach to Revolution
Posted by Mike E on May 3, 2008
The following was sent to Kasama .
How Mike Ely Helps Us to See Bob Avakian’s Breakthroughs: Or Mike Ely’s ‘Flat Earth’ Approach to Revolution
by “Down with the Menshevik Inquisition “
1) ‘Partisan Bases’ (and the ennui caused by their absence): Mike Ely makes much of how the RCP has not developed ‘partisan bases’ over the course of many years. But, while Mike Ely has read a lot of books about history, he has absorbed few lessons from those histories about the general nature of people’s movements and how they emerge, develop and decline. Mass movements of all kinds (including those led by revolutionary communists to make revolution) arise: a) on the basis of a previous groundwork, both organizational and ideological, laid by small groups of dedicated people acting over extended periods of time; b) on scales that grow and decline in massive numbers, over very condensed time frames.
This is actually counter-intuitive to what most people first think about how movements should develop. Most people initially think that as revolutionary communists, if we do all our work right, we will gradually recruit people, and get larger. And as we get larger, we will become more influential, we will become stronger, we will get closer to and eventually reach our goals. And when that doesn’t happen, if people don’t take a scientific approach, then they become discouraged. However, by taking a scientific approach, we can see that this ‘gradualism’ is not how social and political movements develop in the real world. At one point long ago, much of humanity thought the earth was flat. Then, at different times in the ancient world many different civilizations discovered that the earth is round, and now the whole planet knows the Earth is round (although maybe the theocratic fundamentalists will try to reverse that too). Getting discouraged by the failure of an organization or social movement to gradually grow and become large and powerful is like being a ‘flat-earther’ in the world of social and political activism.
Now Mike Ely has come out and argued that if activists can’t build a ‘partisan base’ over a protracted period of time, that what they’ve been doing has to have been wrong. But this point of view represents a failure to take a really scientific approach to how social and political movements actually develop. And where does it lead? It argues that, if we can’t build a ‘partisan base’ around lofty goals that serve the interests of 90% of humanity in the short term, then what we really need to do is set some more ‘winnable goals’ that will allow us to gain a base of support among the American people and then we can ‘declare victory’ and be really influential and big. But that’s a big mistake. Why would we even want to do this if we lost sight of our original goals? Who wants to make a pact with the devil in the hopes of having a big and strong organization that isn’t organized to do anything good?
Mike Ely undoubtedly will deny that he has now become an outright and bold paladin of gradualism and economism. He may even believe it himself. But if anyone has any questions about where his line is leading, just look at all the well-know and consolidated economists and gradualists who have flocked to his project’s website since it was launched. In contrast to Mike Ely’s approach, the RCP, led by Bob Avakian, is pursuing new methods of mobilizing masses for revolution that break new ground, require further scientific testing, and actually have a chance to lead the masses in winning their liberation.
2) The Esoteric Knowledge of the Ely: Much of the authority of Mike Ely’s polemic rests on an underlying assertion of his access to inside knowledge. The RCP may not be telling you what it really thinks, but look, Mike has the ‘real deal!’ From the prison camps of RCP organizational life to the bitter secret war against the Nepalese communists, Mike gives us just enough salacious details that we ‘know what he means’ without him actually having to come out and talk like a stool pigeon. Stalin killed 100 million, Mao 200 million, and only history will show how many millions have died in the prison camps Bob Avakian has set up inside the RCP! Anyone who doesn’t buy this Jung Chang style account of the RCP’s internal life just needs to ‘get real!’
As for Nepal, well, Mike Ely seems to think he has found an opportunity there. According the Mike Ely version of things, the RCP has been waging a veiled campaign against the CPN(M) for some time now, which he apparently thinks gives him quite the horse to attach his cart to. Here too, Mike Ely throws principle to the wind, striving to cast whatever tensions may (or may not) exist between two long-time participants in the RIM in the most antagonistic light possible so as to maneuver himself in hopes of a Nepal franchise. Mike Ely clearly sees the Nepalese Revolution as a step-ladder for his own revolutionary career.
Pop quiz:
Q.: When is solidarity with a revolution not actually solidarity?
A.: When it is just a self-serving ploy in the service of careerism and opportunism.
So for anyone who actually gives credence to any of Mike Ely’s claims to privileged knowledge, think about this:
a) When have you ever known the RCP not to be vocal and up front about what it thinks?
b) Whatever may or may not be going on between the CPN(M) and the RCP,USA, would it really be unprincipled for them to be talking behind the scenes instead of in the front of the whole world, as Ely seems to be demanding?
c) Who is being benefitting from Mike Ely’s ‘efforts’ around Nepal? The people of the world, the revolution in Nepal, or Mike Ely?
d) How could things inside the RCP really be as bad as Mike Ely claims? These are hard-working people struggling for revolution. You can’t do that with a boot on your neck, and Avakian doesn’t have state power. There is no police force to enforce the kind of claims Ely makes about the RCP’s internal life. Fortunately, the credulous have been raised with anti-communist prejudices that Mike Ely’s claims play to nicely.
e) Think for a minute why Mike Ely stopped supporting the RCP when he did and not before. Then think about it for another minute.
3) The Menshevik Inquisition—Or a Liberating and Scientific Vision of Communism and Revolution
Bob Avakian takes a scientific approach to revolution. He encourages us to see communist organization as a team of scientists testing ideas and using the scientific method to figure out how to lead the masses to communism. As science develops, it advances. But there is a Menshevik Inquisition which sees science as heresy, and demands that we hew to old texts, as read through the cataract-laden eyes of the inquisitors. If we can’t have revolution, at least we can have a ‘communist identity’ under capitalism, and Mike Ely hopes to be the high priest of that ‘communist identity.’ Ely claims to want to creatively advance Marxism, but then on all essential points falls back on wisdom received from earlier generations of revisionists, failing to understand the possibility of being scientific in our understanding of human society and its development. Bob Avakian is developing dialectical materialism and revolutionary communism to new heights and in new directions. But Mike Ely, high priest of the Menshevik Inquisition, is scandalized by science. His inquisition seeks to enforce a ‘flat earth’ against those of us who are just now coming to see that the earth is round. The road to revolution is much harder than building up a fake solidarity group around a webmaster. But for those who would travel that road, Bob Avakian is the man with the plan in van.





May 3, 2008 at 1:03 pm
Is this the best the “scientific” writer can do?
How embarrassing.
May 3, 2008 at 1:07 pm
“Paper will put up with anything written on it.”
May 3, 2008 at 1:32 pm
Perhaps such comments are embarassing for the RCP itself, and for those who expected better.
But we are obligated, nonetheless, to break this down with some substance, even if others don’t.
First the highly personalized form of this attack (blending constant charges about personal opportunist motive with repeated distortions of the line questions) is a method. Generally, this is called “gutter politics.” And it is really pretty raw “innuendo” — since it has no substance to support it.
* * * *
Another side of the argument:
“Now Mike Ely has come out and argued that if activists can’t build a ‘partisan base’ over a protracted period of time, that what they’ve been doing has to have been wrong.”
In fact the 9 letters don’t argue this, which is why such comments don’t use quotations much.
Letter 2 argues (among other things):
* “The RCP has not developed, ever, a mass partisan political base for revolutionary communist politics anywhere, among any section of the people.” (This is not so much an argument, as simply pointing out an indisputable fact.)
* That this problem has roots mainly in objective conditions.
* That the RCP (not the 9 Letters) held that it was essential to build such bases, and set out to do so.
* That the failure to do so has never been summed up in any real way.
* That summing up this important political work (over more than a decade, involving a whole generation of communist activists from the 1980s through the 1990s) is a crucial part of identifying the lessons it holds for how to carry out communist work under non-revolutionary situation.
* Finally we argue that it is necessary to “accumulate revolutionary forces” in order to be in position to make revolution when that becomes possible. You can “come from behind” but you can’t “come from nowhere.”
After misrepresenting the 9 Letters argument, this post then goes on to extrapolate where such a (distorted) argument must lead:
This again has no relationship to what the 9 Letters says (as any reader knows), and it is (in fact) not where the line or argument of the 9 Letters lead.
But there is a method here:
First this method starts with a distorted set of claims for what the 9 letters criticism of the RCP is.
Then: it proceeds to insist that these criticisms must lead to reformism and economism (and wanting to build a big base of influence by whatever means.)
Finally, it ends by criticising the 9 Letters (and “Mr. Ely” personally, of course) of rank opportunism for promoting such reformism and economism.
It is a method, and an argument that spins awkwardly in the air — without every really engaging its opponents or reality. I can’t really imagine who could find it convincing.
But let’s ask: Does our poster DWTMI here deny or accept the observation that the RCP has never developed “a mass partisan political base for revolutionary communist politics anywhere, among any section of the people”? It seems that he/she acknowledges that this is true, but argues that it was a goal (over twenty plus years) that was unrealistic, and so therefore doesn’t matter. Is that what you are arguing?
Can DWTMI point to any arguments in the 9 Letters for dropping “lofty goals” and building influence by whatever works?
No, it can’t. Cuz those aren’t the arguments being made. Nor does the (very embryonic initial) practice of Kasama point that way.
Take for example, what Kasama supporters took to the immigrant march in Chicago. Was it a call for “winnable goals”? Uh no.
Just look at at the leaflet Which is about the “lofty goals” of communist revolution and internationalist solidarity of working people for REVOLUTIONARY attempts.
Perhaps DWTMI thinks it is economist and reformist to spread information about the (unfortunately little-known) revolutionary movement in Nepal among thousands of immigrant workers on May First. If so, school us.
But, obviously the Kasama efforts to discuss the revolution in Nepal need to be attacked. So how is it done?
Note the sentence: “Who is being benefitting from Mike Ely’s ‘efforts’ around Nepal? The people of the world, the revolution in Nepal, or Mike Ely?”
Let’s leave aside the (now familiar) charges of personal opportunism (and now “benefit”!)
But lets ask the substantive question:
How should communists respond to the intense revolutionary struggle and controversy emerging in India and Nepal?
Why don’t you actually engage the criticism Kasama raises: about the retreat from internationalism?
Would DWTMI (or anyone else) like to publicly and honestly defend the RCP’s in-action around the revolution in Nepal (and other revolutionary struggles facing U.S. intervention)?
* * * * *
Then there is the argument about “inside information”:
There is much to say about this (in both tone and content).
First of all, it is actually not true. The “authority” of the 9 Letters to Our Comrades” (to the extent that they have any) rests on the truth of their argument and the excavation of long-standing problems of the communist movement in the U.S. Nothing essential rests on the “underlying assertion” of “inside knowledge.”
And nothing “inside” has been brought forward: except for matters of line, which is both necessary and inevitable: The 9 Letters is part of a sharp two-lined struggle that developed within the RCP. It is about the lines emerging from that struggle. And it is a critique OF the RCP and its line/synthesis.
Now all of this is hyped as some kind of outrage (both here, and in the RCP’s recent response which employs the same line of approach).
There is a glaring Catch-22 posed here: Inside the RCP people were told that opposition to Avakian’s synthesis needed to be driven out of the party. “The train has left the station.” And continued debate over such line questions was considered intolerable and objectively sabotage. Ok, so people with those views leave (one way or another). Then it is announced that those leaving the RCP may not mention the key line questions that were used to drive them out!
They reorganize their party and line around the assertion that “Avakian as cardinal question” — but forbid anyone to mention that! Hmmmm.
Their real argument: communists who oppose Avakian’s synthesis are just supposed to go away and SHUT THE FUCK UP. And not to shut up is proof of revisionism (and of opportunism, unprincipled behavior, leaking “inside information” in a suspicious way, even counterrevolution blah, blah, blah.)
In fact, here are some simple realities:
First, the authors of the 9 Letters were (in the main) people who have recently emerged from the RCP. They (including Mike Ely who did the overall writing) worked hard NOT to leak inside information about organizaitonal operations, leading personalities, internal events etc. And the discussion of line raised IS IN FACT completely accurate.
If it is inaccurate: in its discussion of “Avakian as cardinal question,” in the view of Avakian “on the level of a Mao or a Lenin,” in its view of the RCP’s passive inaction around U.S. actions against the world’s Maoist revolutions…. if any of that is untrue: then state it is untrue. State it openly. Is it untrue? No.
The method employed is (a) to not deny these things (since they are in fact true). and (b) to confuse the issues by charging that there are vague distortions, and (c) argue that it is wrong to publicly discuss this party’s central assertions about Avakian and his allegedly unique role in this moment of work history and (d) to attack the messenger while avoiding the line questions as much as possible.
It is like a game of three-card monty rooted in misdirection. Its core argument rests on circular reasoning:
The announced starting point is: We are the vanguard party. Our synthesis is truth. The future of humanity depends on our leader Bob Avakian.
From those stateed posulates, it is possible to deduce (by formal logic applied in an emotional, white-knucked way) that: Anyone who ciritcizes this party, this line, this synthesis (in a non-appreciative and comprehensive way) — is therefore working in sinister ways against the bright future humanity needs.
(It is a tidy logic that doesn’t need to actually engage the criticism in any substantive way — since it rests on a series of assertions that assume any basic criticism is intolerable.)
The problem with all of this is there for the taking: It masks both the reality of the RCP and the reality of the criticisms being made. And anyone can simply read the 9 Letters (and this site) and then compare and contrast (with the line of the RCP and the response of the RCP).
May 3, 2008 at 1:47 pm
Kasama has done the author of this laughable piece a favor by posting it and taking it seriously. Where else is it supposed to appear? Does the RCP plan to post it on its site? That would be a statement of total critical bankruptcy.
May 3, 2008 at 2:04 pm
Comments,
Are you kidding me? This person obviously doesn’t represent the RCP.
I think it is very opportunist of you Mike to post this kind of obscure shit that obviously does not speak for the RCP as a fucking headline, and then tagging it with the keyword “Bob Avakian.”
May 3, 2008 at 2:17 pm
STB:
I don’t know DWTMI’s relationship with the RCP, and don’t imply any. But I suggest you go read the RCP’s response. Since DWTMI is clearly following both the content and method of that response closely. And as a result, everything I said about DWTMI’s post, its method and arguments applies closely to the RCP’s official response (as others have pointed out earlier).
As for how this post is tagged: DWTMI’s post (and the comments that follow it) are part of the ongoing debate on over Bob Avakian and his synthesis, and so it is quite appropriate to tag it with Avakian’s name so people wanting to follow that debate can find this thread.
In fact your comment here applies the very method we are critiquing: misdirection, personal attack, complaints about petty matters, and avoiding the very substance of the discussion here. Your method is of a piece with DWTMI and the RCP’s official response.
So why don’t you break with that method and comment on some of the substantive issues:
Is Avakian a cardinal question dividing communism from counter-revolution-disguised-as-communism?
Is Avkian on the level of a Lenin or a Mao?
Is it “unprincipled” to point out that this is now central to the RCP’s line, and to criticize that line?
Is it true that the RCP has failed in its own detailed goals of developing partisan base areas?
Is it true that there is no available summation of that failure?
Is the Kasama work around Nepal as matter of personal “benefit”? And if so, how?
Do you support the RCP’s refusal to organize against U.S. intervention in Nepal, in continuing U.S. labeling of the Nepali Maoists as “terrorists”?
Why don’t you speak on those issues STB (which are a bit more significant than quibbling over how this site “tags” its posts)?
Comments:
I’m not a big fan of dismissing criticism of opponents lightly. Yes, these arguments seem shallow to many of us. Yes, we are quick to see the error of their argument (and its base on false assumptions.) But I don’t think everyone reading this sees what you see. And not everyone will automatically agree that it is “laughable.” For one thing, section of people have been trained in these methods and assumptions (which is why the RCP thinks they will get over). For example: there is a hyped sense of siege mentality and defensiveness around the RCP, and I believe even many people who oppose the “Avakian as cardinal question” believe that “anything that undermines this party is probably a bad thing.” There is a powerful impulse to hide the failures of this party, and to hype its work in a self-deceptive way.
I don’t think posting the views of opponents “does them a favor” — I think this approach does the larger line struggle a favor — by giving people a chance to “compare and contrast.” This crude method and argument is, in fact, the same line as the RCP’s response. You may think it is “laughable” — but it is, in fact, their line and argument.
When they dismiss the 9 Letters with disdain — we should not respond in kind. I think it is helpful for people to study various opposing lines, and do the work of breaking it down for method and content. The very reason people keep COMING to this site, is precisely that they can see such issues actually laid out — and hear the different defenders of the different lines speak.
In his important critique of Avakian, Pavel notes how mocking things with [Laughter] is used as a way of dismissing without getting into them deeply. By contrast I think we should take the arguments of opponents seriously as a matter of principle… We should craft substantive replies (even to flimsy and shallow arguments) in ways that deepen the overall line struggle.
May 3, 2008 at 2:45 pm
The article engaged in all kinds of speculation around Nepal in a lot of different regards. The RCP has never, to my knowledge, commented on you in relation to the question of Nepal.
I have more important things to do than to drop everything and write a critique for you Mike. Despite my differences with them, the RCP has critiqued the economist revisionist lines posed in this project better than I ever could. I don’t have the time to write a critique for Kasama, and the comrades on here shouldn’t have time to read it.
In posting here, I just wanted to post a few comments that I thought would be of benefit to people who lurk on here who don’t have the basis to see through your distortions of the RCP.
May 3, 2008 at 3:03 pm
While we are talking: Some people have commented that the RCP’s May 1 issue no longer refers to “International Workers Day.” It is rather startling — Since