SDS: A Look at the People Of Color Caucus
Posted by Mike E on July 20, 2008
As the national convention of SDS approaches, Kasama is publishing a series of pieces on the politics of this important student organization. As always, our posting of these pieces does not mean endorsement of their analyses, but a presentation of materials for exploration and debate.
by Hegemonik (originally published on Hegemonik’s own blog)
For members of Students for a Democratic Society, this is that strange time of year when classes are finished but we start to hit the books with some renewed fervor. Yep, we’re in the lead-up to the National Convention once again! This go around with the SDS National Convention, there’s been some back and forth on caucuses and how they will work, attempting to sum up some lessons learned on what to do and what not to do.
With that in the back of my mind, I felt like writing at length about my experience with the SDS People of Color Caucus, from the period of SDS’s founding National Convention to the current day.
Bite your lip and take a trip
My most vivid memory of a caucus 2006 (Chicago) round, where (like everything else) the caucuses were chaotic: first they were all scheduled against one another (women’s caucus versus people of color caucus — as if there were no women of color); then caucus times were swapped around by the various constituencies; then the people of color caucus was accidentally locked out as the U. of Chicago wasn’t open at the time that had been scheduled.
Amid all this, there was some white chauvinist behavior going on. Common spaces such as the makeshift mess hall were monopolized by white crust punks who (without telling anyone at first) stocked it with dumpster dived food. The spaces for political discussions and debates of race (a panel on white privilege) were missing facilitators and participants. Mostly, these were pardonable mistakes of a rookie organization of young people, but they certainly grated on those who came to the caucus.
When we got around to holding a caucus – we ended up taking over a room mid-day – it went on in a rambling way. In the end, we reached a conclusion on two things. First, that our common gut reaction to what was transpiring around us wasn’t “just” a gut reaction – that it was a response to being in a situation where white subculture had de facto been favored.
More importantly, we concluded that unless we charged ourselves with the task of saying that this was wrong, folks were going to let that error slide, potentially into dangerous territory.
We ended up writing a terse statement, trying to criticize what was going on in a comradely way. It was read in the middle of some debate on national structure that wasn’t going anywhere – some folks were relieved that it had been interrupted – and then there was a back-and-forth on it.
Keep on pushing
I bring up events from some two years ago (might as well be an eon in student activist years), to show folks to see how far we’ve come since then. Back at the first SDS Convention, it was taken for granted that you had to be a crusty punk in order to be an SDS’er. At subsequent conventions and events, we’ve taken pains over how not to have anything associated with white subculture at events (sometimes to our detriment).
Witnessing SDS’s rapid expansion in the past few years, it is most striking that in having broken the chains that bound SDS’s organizational practices to white subcultural practices (dumpster diving, crustiness, etc.) energy was freed up for people of color to both join and latch on to the organization. The “SDS demographic” is much harder to pin down these days. We are becoming more reflective of college campuses’ demographics.
People of color in SDS have had to scrap and struggle to get ourselves and the organization this far. The Caucus had to weather white chauvinism and white guilt in equal measures at first, sometimes biting our tongues and sometimes ranting at length. Later there were the anonymous, pseudonymous, and pretty brazen accusations of acting as some conspiracy to import identity politics into SDS.
Eventually there were breakthroughs, solidarities and bonds formed with sympathetic white members of the organization. In short, we had to struggle in order to find an operating unity with SDS.
It is tempting to rest now. Mainly, I detect in SDS in general a certain tendency to classify caucuses as a sort of self-help circle; once people are no longer so aggrieved by the cultural tics of the organization at large, the caucus is somehow supposed to evaporate. The temptation for the caucus itself is to abide by this, and to narrow our mission to only being reactive to certain incidents of white chauvinist behavior in the organization.
If the fight against white supremacy has been a marathon, staying to this narrow mission is like running its distance on a treadmill – the exertion is the same but the progress is nil. We can stick to criticizing everything that is negative in the organization, and we only end up having wasted our time on people who aren’t going to give us the time of day anyway.
Our dreams are our only schemes
The cultural chauvinism surrounding SDS is contained at the moment. We will have to be vigilant to keep it in check, but it is time to move on. The new challenge: quit singing kumbaya and coming out swinging at white supremacy.
There’s two areas we have to address:
We first and foremost have to address questions of SDS’s orientation on the questions of race and nationality in American society. This is a strange era in which to be an activist. On the one hand, we are at a time when Left-based activism as a whole is relatively high. On the other, we are at a moment in which the grounding of the Left as a whole is no longer as rooted in the various struggles led by black and Latino forces against white supremacy.
In fact, we are at a time when many are willing to settle for pulling the crank for Barack Obama and declare their own racism functionally ended, even as they demand ridiculous denunciations of Rev. Wright.
Where does the People of Color Caucus help lead SDS in being a multiracial organization in this terrain? Why do we choose to work in solidarity with racially and nationally oppressed groups and organizations?
Second and subsequently: after the question of overall political direction, what are the strategies that the People of Color Caucus find that work toward advancement? How do we work in multi-racial and multi-organizational fronts and do so with mutual respect, without the sort of chauvinist missionary logic that provoked splits in the New Left era?
On the first area, orientation, this is not a matter of white supremacy as a singular issue. It’s also a matter of what principles we agree to abide by in our work in general. That is, beyond outright issues concerning race – the Sean Bell shooting, or Hurricane Katrina survivors fates – because white supremacy is so pervasive in society, because it is necessary to the functioning of American capitalism, we will need to be able to see where it operates outside of plain sight.
On the second matter of strategy, this could be described as a matter of applying orientation correctly: balancing the mandate of our politics against the harsh realities of the world. Who and what do we attack at the given period? Who and what do we support?
In all, we need to start thinking about what it means when the authority on race is still Dr. King, the dream he presented is still considered the ultimate program for racial equality, and yet what that dream was precisely has been so thoroughly co-opted as to become indistinct from any other marketing slogan.
Perhaps it is time not to just dream but also scheme
Do not obey, we must have our say, we can past the test
For this year’s convention, all caucuses have been asked to work in advance – set up facilitation, work out what needs to be done with those not in the caucus, and having an agenda that is more than just a list of complaints. It fits in properly with where we’re at in the POC Caucus, where those SDS’ers of color that I’ve spoken with are universally for holding a People of Color Caucus this year, and for moving beyond the territory we’ve already covered a couple times over.
I suspect this year, there have been some controversies in the Left outside of SDS that are going to come to our doorstep one way or another: the controversy of Seal Press, or the drama of clueless white anarchists talking shit about APOC. I don’t know if we’ll have time to address them, though perhaps through this blog I can get a teachable moment with folks.
I’ve told a few friends in the Caucus that I’ve got high hopes for it this year: for our role in SDS to shift toward making positive contributions for the organization, rather than having to use the caucus to halt something negative from the Convention floor; and internally transcending some of the pettiness of mainstream politics of Clinton v. Obama (the “every woman is white and every person of color is male”) to have our caucus be truly intersectional and put sisters in the center of it.
All told, I think this year may be a chance to actualize the People of Color Caucus so that we no longer have to worry about what people think we are, only that we are presenting ourselves the way we know we are.





inicio said
This article is so impressionistic as to be functionally useless.
It is said, “All told, I think this year may be a chance to actualize the People of Color Caucus so that we no longer have to worry about what people think we are, only that we are presenting ourselves the way we know we are.”
And yet, one of the main criticisms of white chauvinism (which is directly identified with “white subculture”) is that white people WERE NOT interested in thinking about who the People of Color Caucus are (lack of attendance at debates and discussions regarding race). At any rate, by the end of this article, it is not entirely clear who you “know you are”. Except perhaps for a self definition based in an opposition to “white subculture”.
And what is this crap of posing “white subculture” as the enemy? What the hell does that even mean when you can go all over the world and see non-white people using and developing that same subculture? Is it an argument that a plurality of whiteness is by definition chauvinist? Would it be better if all the white people displayed mainstream values and dress?
At any rate if there is something inherently white about dumpster diving, someone should tell Food Not Bombs to stop imposing their white chauvinism on poor people of color. Are we to suppose that buying food from a supermarket isn`t white chauvinism?
By the end of this piece it is no longer clear to me what “chauvinist” even means.
If there is a problem in SDS it is a general “chauvinism” displayed through the easy labeling of people (both oneself and others) in the organization, based upon ideology, identity, etc. It is this constant babbling about some indistinct enemy that is naturalized as being opposed to ones very being (whether that be arguments against clueless anarchists, or arguments against clueless white anarchists, or evil authoritarians). SDS is trapped by a lack of vision which is encompassed by this bland oppositionalism within the organization.
I note that more than three years into this project SDS has yet to define any revolutionary politics at all, even as they throw around the word every once and awhile. I must admit that some of this oppositionalism in the organization seems aimed at delaying a date with actual politics, and this even as the most recent arguments arising out of SDS explicitly state the need for actual politics. The fact remains that as they cry for this the guts of their initiatives for this upcoming convention merely delay it for yet another year.
Similarly, as Hegemonik calls for a positive contribution, the contribution itself remains illusory, and it comes wrapped in a method out of which flowed the anti-politics of the last 3 years.
ShineThePath said
Inicio, I’d just begin clearly here with a question of in the way you want to discuss this. Reading your comment I feel compelled to respond because of clear line struggle reasons, but the very manner in which you treat the article above makes me doubt whether or not this can happen without you feeling the need to give the “fatal blow.” This is just not a complaint of tone, but of methodology.
Anyway, to get into more meat. I’d think the issue here of subculture is quite honestly a fascinating one. I think at the first level subculture is an implicit criticism and subversion of the dominant culture; however that only means a more compromised position. The very problem with subculture is its 1) Unconscious reproduction of the dominant culture within its own manifestation and 2) The compromised position of resistance of the dominant culture is still a reliance on that culture. This in my opinion is a description of the multitude of subcultures out there, whatever their exact ethos and politics that come with it.
But in particular I think Hegemonik was trying to hit the cord of activisty Crimethinc. drop out kids, who live on the excess of capitalism, they no matter how they resist rely on the very basis of the oppressive social relations of society. Its for this reason that many people see their living on the margins as a mockery of the real struggles of people. It is purely, in its concrete manifestation, a real misanthropic and, yes, often ‘chauvinist’ position. A lot of these people even explicitly express contempt for people not doing what they are doing and half-way try to meet the demands of going to the people and carrying forward a mass line orientation (”Your politics are boring as Fuck”).
The latter part of your post seems a bit incoherent and ranty, but I am generally interested in trying to understand what you’re saying.
You say:
“If there is a problem in SDS it is a general ‘chauvinism’ displayed through the easy labeling of people (both oneself and others) in the organization, based upon ideology, identity, etc. It is this constant babbling about some indistinct enemy that is naturalized as being opposed to ones very being (whether that be arguments against clueless anarchists, or arguments against clueless white anarchists, or evil authoritarians).”
I follow you as so much as you say that the real problem of factitious process of ideological struggle, and in some areas maybe I am missing what you’re saying. But I have a real problem understanding what the problem is with this? Each year we do in fact have new internal debates and discussions that relate to how we work and what kind of politics we want, and each year it is a concrete struggle with genuine people who have some understanding of this system and want some sort of vague “revolutionary” change which has been thus far, hard for them to articulate. But whats the problem with this, first does this not correspond for the necessity of line struggle and political struggle within any organization? Secondly, whats quite really the alternative, ignore the whole milieu of radical students who gravitate towards Anarchism and subculturalism?
This for me is a problem then of general methodology of leadership. Three years of the development of this SDS and it has articulated in its own very peculiar ways the want and drive to be a mass student organization, and a politically conscious one toward the aims of social transformation of society. I think to ignore this phenomena would be sheer madness for any revolutionary movement. And to think you can just do better is just missing the boat entirely, of course, best of luck to you if you wish to do so.
inicio said
STP writes:
“But in particular I think Hegemonik was trying to hit the cord of activisty Crimethinc. drop out kids, who live on the excess of capitalism, they no matter how they resist rely on the very basis of the oppressive social relations of society. Its for this reason that many people see their living on the margins as a mockery of the real struggles of people. It is purely, in its concrete manifestation, a real misanthropic and, yes, often ‘chauvinist’ position. A lot of these people even explicitly express contempt for people not doing what they are doing and half-way try to meet the demands of going to the people and carrying forward a mass line orientation (”Your politics are boring as Fuck”).”
This is exactly what I was referring to when discussing the oppositionalism in SDS. It is that “ideological struggle” arrives in the form of the posing of archetypes against eachother.
In fact, actual positions are completely missing from the discussion that Hegemonik presents, thus the overall impressionism of it. Instead we are treated to a general criticism of a “type”, exactly the type you present above. But additionally, this type is categorized as “white”. And it seems that the discourse above would also posit a “typical white person”. In fact it seems to strive to do exactly that. In other words, if you are white, you are the problem, regardless of what you believe or how you live your life.
When ideological struggle takes this form, it is usually the case that ideological struggle is not actually happening, people talk past eachother by stuffing their chosen opponents into a set of “typical” beliefs, which they often times do not even hold. It is struggle in the sense that there are oppositions, but it is like the struggle between your head and a brickwall, at a certain point movement comes to an abrupt halt. At any rate, it is decidedly not comradely.
Hegemoniks article does a disservice to the needed discussion of white supremacy as a system, and poses it as an issue of crust punks and dumpster diving, the thinly veiled personal disgust only accentuates how divisive and unproductive such a perspective is.
STP writes,
“The very problem with subculture is its 1) Unconscious reproduction of the dominant culture within its own manifestation and 2) The compromised position of resistance of the dominant culture is still a reliance on that culture. This in my opinion is a description of the multitude of subcultures out there, whatever their exact ethos and politics that come with it.”
This is not a problem of subculture, but a problem of culture itself. I think it would be hard to argue that the People of Color Caucus, both as a group and individually, does not reproduce the dominant culture within it.
It is not controversial to say that dumpster diving is not going to change the world. The problem is a pat dismissal of a rejectionist position because it is “white” in essence, and a characterization of a broad range of politics based upon anecdote. Follow this with a logic which inherently lumps all white people together, just as it lumps all people of color under one banner, and the world literally becomes divided into black and white. Is that the way forward?
inicio said
STP writes:
“This for me is a problem then of general methodology of leadership. Three years of the development of this SDS and it has articulated in its own very peculiar ways the want and drive to be a mass student organization, and a politically conscious one toward the aims of social transformation of society. I think to ignore this phenomena would be sheer madness for any revolutionary movement. And to think you can just do better is just missing the boat entirely, of course, best of luck to you if you wish to do so.”
I am hardly one to argue for ignoring SDS. A critique is inherently an engagement. I argue for engaging SDS, for helping to develop it in the direction of a revolutionary politics that speaks clearly to the overthrow of existing power relations. To note that it does not do this, even as you rightly point out that the organization claims on a regular basis that this is their aim, is a crucial criticism. And it is a criticism which should spark discussion of exactly what it would mean to be a revolutionary organization (saying you want to do it does not make SDS any more revolutionary than the RCP). The answer to which I do not have, but I do know that if the issue is not clearly and repeatedly raised SDS will in all likelihood not develop a real revolutionary praxis.
If we can not do better than what SDS has to offer today, then there is no point in going to their convention. A very basic fact which SDSers need to come to grips with is that SDS as it now exists desperately needs to be done better, and simply having “the numbers” is no indication of direction. The National Organization of Women can get millions of people in D.C. even as abortion rights are systematically rolled back, just to give one example.
Carl Davidson said
SDS had a hopeful start with a value-centered politics of participatory democracy and anti-imperialism. But given the prevalence of anarchism and identity politics in some sectors of the youth movement, if not most of it, it is being strangled in its crib with a focus on structure and process that borders on obsession. The piece by ‘Hegemonic’ here is a case in point. Hopefully, there will still be something left after they beat themselves into exhaustion from it, and then be able to move to other considerations.
ShineThePath said
Inicio, I think if we’re going to talk about this, we must now begin investigating the social nitchings of sub-culture altogether, and specifically Punk/Drop-out/Alternative culture.
I think we should be just straight here about the actual struggle around subculturalism and its manifestation in SDS. You say what I have said about subculturalism also applies to culture itself, of course; however subcultures, especially the ones grabbed by activists, are largely a type the introduces an “alternative” to the dominant culture or a form of resistance to it and criticism. This has been largely the logic of living on excess, but when we get into the particular life style of “Crimethinc., Exworkers Collective,” you are faced immediately with a political coordination of that life style, a life style that to begin with guilt trips people on the basis of their privilege and being involved in that system, and you have to confront that life style on the basis of its political consciousness and its actual “resistance.”
The CrimeThinc formula is in fact an objectively racist, ‘chauvinist’ phenomena in my own opinion, it relys on one and the same times the privilege of its participants while guilt tripping people into thinking that “living within” the system is some how just wrong as being an exploitative capitalist. Who can’t remember the unforgetable line of “Poverty, unemployment, homelessness – if you’re not having fun, you’re not doing it right!” For all the unemployed homeless people in cities, who in my area are mostly black, can you think of a more despicable line? That is ultimately just reactionary, no matter what way you pull it.
I wouldn’t also disagree on calling this a “white” subculturalism, I mean even the RCP understood these dynamics of young white youth gravitating towards sub-cultures to broadly express resentment against the system, but its also the same gravitating force that brings young white people toward Anarchism. Its based on individualistic ethos and misanthropic mistrust of collectivity.
Of course, its not only white youth that go toward this; however I just like to point out (and this maybe off topic) that even more fascinating position of being a Black or Latino youth in one of these scenes. Where I live in the Bronx, there is huge “underground” music scene around Grindcore, Sreamo, etc. It carries a lot of the same subcultural criticism of society as Punk did. And because it is the Bronx, its dominated by both white youth and a lot of people of color. But the subculture for them produced an even more awkward position, as rejecting not quite the dominant culture but their own community. I never met (ehem…been a part of) a schizophrenic bunch, they can express real rebelliousness but also just do some of the most racist shit.
I think largely that being a Black or Latino in a subculture like that is always the most contradictory condition if not politically conscious. But even when politically conscious, they face a lot of shit.
http://hegemonik.wordpress.com/2008/06/17/apoc-arent-maoists-and-baby-im-not-an-anarchist/
Pulling that from Hegemonik’s site about Anarchist People of Color group fighting off the accusations of being Maoists.
It is also funny as I write, I can’t really think of any significant way to socially investigate these subcultures without not going back to Anarchism itself. And I think the article above shows a lot of the poverty in the Anarchist milieu to deal with racism.
So maybe now going into this tangent can allude something about SDS. But particularly, lets look at this article, first I am absolutely sure that the POC caucus has been addressing the needed goal of having an analysis of white supremacy and this is probably an internal discussion amongst them, but you saw some of this throughout the last year when there was an attempt to bring forward a race study to begin understanding white supremacy, which was opposed as the Northeast Convention! That event showed there is still a lot of struggle necessary against forms of chauvinism in the organization.
Inicio said
You are not addressing my criticism, rather you wade deeper into a oppositionalist method, and it seems clear that you do not really understand what it is you are criticizing. For all this talk of Crimethinc vs APOC you`d think that the two groups were at logger heads, and yet APOC caucuses in Crimethinc, not SDS: http://illvox.org/2008/07/11/apoc-caucus-crimethinc-convergence/
But here`s something to think about: in your “fight against anarchism”, the espoused politics of APOC at the above link are absolutely no different from the espoused politics in Hegemonik`s article.
And another interesting point regarding Hegemoniks article on APOC, Hegemonik is talking about three distinct wings of Anarchism in the U.S., none of which are somehow easily identifiable as “Crimethinc”. In other words, Infoshop is not Crimethinc, primitivists are a distinct branch of anarchism, APOC is a distinct organization of anarchists, etc. But to hear you tell it, they are all the same thing (except when the agenda is to opportunistically pose APOC against the rest of the anarchist movement). So in your view, when Infoshop picks a fight with APOC, it is actually Crimethinc that is doing it, etc.
The equivalent would be for an anarchist to argue that SDS is overrun with FRSO, and when POC picks a fight with anarchists it represents an instance of SDS itself being biased against anarchist participation, something which is obviously not true.
The problem with what you are putting forward is that you think the main problem is Anarchism, and you use a distortion of Crimethinc politics to fight that fight. For all the problems with Crimethinc`s politics, they are not the enemy, and quite frankly they have been an active part of some of the most militant protests. No one is saying that their politics are the answer here (except for themselves maybe), but then the REAL problem arises, because if Crimethinc`s politics aren`t the answer (and I see no explicit referencing of Crimethinc or their politics in any of the SDS proposals), it doesn`t mean that what exists in supposed opposition to it is the answer either.
In other words, the problem is not Crimethinc or anarchists, but a lack of a creative synthesis of revolutionary politics which would indeed supply “the answer”, so to speak. THAT is the problem, and fighting against Crimethinc phantoms is a side show to cover up the lack of a revolutionary politics.
The issue is not subculture, the issue is political line. The focus on subculture disguises a lack of ideological struggle over other matters of line, and ultimately politics and subculture get conflated.
But this whole conversation presumes a plurality of Crimethincers in SDS, as if all the white people are of this particular bent, or as if anarchists are the source of white supremacy, if not in society at large, then in SDS. Hegemonik ridicules those who think that voting for Obama will end racism, we could just as easily criticize him for aiming his anti-racist fire at a relative minority of the white people in SDS, with the apparent belief that once white people stop dumpster diving and criticizing APOC, that is, once the Crimethincers are gone, white supremacy will be in check. In other words there IS a line here. Hegemonik is arguing for the use of racial discourse to fight a different battle. His real aim is Anarchism, not white supremacy.
The internal logic of this is opportunistic, and that it uses race for this agenda is all the worse. But ultimately, if this strain of dumpster diving “white supremacist” was chased out of SDS, the same method would be used against some other political opponent. In the meantime, white supremacy as a social system in the United States remains unscathed. In other words, with this method you will just move from one political opponent to another (under the guise of fighting white priviledge) repeating the same political battle, because it doesn`t really address the problem to begin with (either the real political issues, or the important issue of white supremacy as a part of the overall question of revolution). It`s like water through your fingers to fight white supremacy like this.
One last point, notice the complete lack of a discussion about the relationship between class and race.
STP writes:
“The CrimeThinc formula is in fact an objectively racist, ‘chauvinist’ phenomena in my own opinion, it relys on one and the same times the privilege of its participants while guilt tripping people into thinking that “living within” the system is some how just wrong as being an exploitative capitalist.”
You`re going to have to justify this. Crimethinc isn`t anymore obejectively racist than you or any number of white leftists. And if guilt tripping people is beyond the pail, you should take another look at APOC/POC culture.
At any rate, most of the genuine Crimethincers I have known have consciously given up many of the priviledges that SDSers take for granted, that is, class priviledges. These are people who live hand to mouth, without even a steady place to sleep. They depend on eachother, that is, their community, to supply these things for them.
So two main points:
1) Your description of Crimethinc is a cartoon.
2) The concentration of opposition against this cartoon is false struggle.
Inicio said
I lost this the first time I tried to post, so here goes again…
Two main points:
1)Your version of Crimethinc is a cartoon.
2)The opposition based on this cartoon is a distraction from crucial line struggles.
You are not addressing my criticism, rather you wade deeper into a oppositionalist method, and it seems clear that you do not really understand what it is you are criticizing. For all this talk of Crimethinc vs APOC you`d think that the two groups were at logger heads, and yet APOC caucuses in Crimethinc, not SDS: http://illvox.org/2008/07/11/apoc-caucus-crimethinc-convergence/
Another point of confusion regarding Hegemonik`s article on APOC: Hegemonik is talking about three distinct aspects of anarchism in the U.S., none of which are somehow easily identifiable as “Crimethinc”. In other words, Infoshop is not Crimethinc, primitivism is its own distinct branch of anarchism, APOC is its own distinct organization. To hear you tell it, when Infoshop criticizes APOC, it is Crimethinc criticizing APOC. Again the anecdotal and impressionistic method creates nothing but confusion.
Here`s something to think about: in your “fight against anarchism”, the espoused politics of APOC at the above link are absolutely no different from the espoused politics in Hegemonik`s article.
The problem here is that you think the problem is anarchism. But anarchism is not the problem. The problem is a lack of a creative synthesis of revolutionary politics in SDS. In other words, while no one would say that Crimethinc has “the answer” (except themselves perhaps), this does not then mean that those who oppose Crimethinc are carrying forward revolutionary politics, or even acting in the best interests of SDS as an organization. In fact this perceived battle against anarchism is a distraction away from actually developing this needed political synthesis.
The proof of this contention is a quick look at what it is SDS is up to, where 1) you will find no explicit reference to Crimethinc, and 2) you will be at pains to find any expression of a revolutionary politics: http://www.newsds.org/wiki/index.php?title=Proposals_for_2008_National_Convention
I`m not a partisan of Crimethinc or any of the anarchist organizations in question, but I will say this: Crimethinc is NOT the enemy. And a characterization of them as dropout dumpster divers is blindingly crude. Many of the people influenced by Crimethinc are some of the most active and militant fighters against this system. To see these people as the enemy, instead of trying to unite with them, is (in addition to being the essence of this “oppositionalism”) just bad politics.
Just to be absolutely clear subculture is not the issue, political line is the issue.
Moreover, when we read between the lines of Hegemonik`s articles we notice something interesting, there in fact is a line being put forward by Hegemonik (even if it is being posed against some phantom enemy). The line is one which uses racial discourse to isolate and politically defeat anarchism in SDS. In other words, in no way does Hegemonik`s line actually confront white supremacy. It confronts anarchism in the guise of confronting white supremacy. It is, in other words, opportunistic.
The ultimate result of this kind of method will not be resolving issues of white supremacy as they appear in SDS (let alone society at large), but will simply move the target as one or another political force is isolated or chased out of the organization, supposedly on the basis of a critique of white supremacy, while at the same time the social system of white supremacy remains effectively unscathed. To fight white supremacy with this method will achieve the same results as trying to grab a fistful of water.
This is perhaps outside of the scope of SDS, but if people want to really fight clear structural manifestation of white supremacy in the United States, one of the most obvious places to start is the Prison System, not only with respect to sentencing, but with respect to the “spontaneous” social system of the prisons in this country, which are ruthlessly organized on racial lines.
STP writes:
“The CrimeThinc formula is in fact an objectively racist, ‘chauvinist’ phenomena in my own opinion, it relys on one and the same times the privilege of its participants while guilt tripping people into thinking that “living within” the system is some how just wrong as being an exploitative capitalist.”
I am sorry, but I find this unexcusably wrong. To lightly throw around charges of racist, while ironically criticizing a method of guilt tripping, is just way out of line. But it is in keeping with the method and style of the articles in question. Let me put it this way Crimthinc (whatever their “formula” is) are no more objectively racist than you or any number of white leftists. You are going to have do some serious work to justify such a statement.
A final point, notice that Hegemonik`s articles have absolutely no discussion of the relationship between class and race. In other words, it is bypassing crucial aspects of a real discussion of the system of white supremacy. And in this regard lets recognize that many people who are living in this “subculture” that you oppose with such singlemindedness have consciously given up (assuming they had them to give up in the first place) a significant set of priviledges, which many of the people in SDS take for granted, that is, class priviledges.
areaman said
I am reluctant to wade to far into issues i’m just learning about.
But my initial impression is that the main problems of SDS are not (a) anarchism or (b) some reluctance to have strong central organization. The main problem is the lack of articulated revolutionary politics as a major pole within the political work.
Various movementist forces dream of SDS being the framework for getting a student movement going — but the question will be “a movement for what”? it is not as if you first get a movement, then get more numbers, then radicalize. In fact, articulating sharp revolutionary concerns and insights) is part of how a radical student movement will grow.
The original SDS was also full of silly anarcho-ideas. (It is hard to convey how maddening and even lunatic the experience of “participatory democracy” could become — and how the only way things “got done” most times is that when someone finally shouted “bullshit” in the middle of mindnumbing discussions and added “anyone who wants to come with me to take over the Admin building, lets go!” Participatory democracy alternated with the actionfaction of respected “heavies” calling the shots, and the two methods fed each other.)
without tailing anarchists, without overlooking how much of a deadend anarchism can become — isn’t the articulation of a radical/revolutionary politics what stand ahead?
The world doesn’t just need “a big student movement” — it needs a powerful REVOLUTIONARY student movement.
right?
hegemonik said
I would like to actually answer for myself here — if I may.
Inicio: I’ll say this once. It is piss-poor practice to stuff your own words in my mouth, much less try to stuff your own thoughts in my head.
A curt request to ask you to deal with what’s *actually in the article* not what you think I was thinking about when I wrote the article.
If I felt anarchism and anarchists were the enemy, I’d be more than willing to roll up my sleeves and write about it. I am simply not one to write veiled polemics.
Anarchism and anarchists in SDS are not the issue here — nor are they the enemy.
The issue of which I wrote in this article are about was dealing with white supremacy as a contradiction contained within SDS, as a revolutionary mass organization (in my ever so humble opinion, a problem of being stuck to its origins — by no means something that can’t be ameliorated and even reversed through struggle).
Heaven forbid I point out that the contradictions of the masses would ever be reflected even in left wing mass organizations! For my next act, let me tell you how correct ideas *don’t actually fall from the sky*!
On some of the stuff here, which I believe has gone off on some pretty wild tangents — none of which were in my original writing:
1) In general, the form white chauvinism, as a contradiction among the people (not a contradiction between the people and the enemy) hasn’t been overt acts of racism, but rather erecting and maintaining unreasonable barriers to joining and participating for non-white people — namely, certain ideological assumptions about “what we all believe” (no, not everyone’s a fucking vegan out to save the little furry animals — get over it!), as well as ideological assumptions about the class station of activists, i.e., “what we all can do.”
I will be the first to say SDS is a mass-level organization, not some cadre organization on par with the RCP — and yet to participate in decision-making requires a greater commitment than if one were to join many cadre organizations. That’s messed up; it presumes all sorts of things about how much leisure time one has as a student (an informal anecdote I’d put forward is that far more people of color I know in SDS work through college to support themselves, since in spite of whatever class station their family’s attained, their family’s accumulated wealth is far lower).
I’m unusual in that regard in that I’m slightly older, have a job and some self-sufficiency and a few classes to take before I graduate. But I’d say for the majority of the people of color in SDS, there’s a certain slide out of the organization once debts for college start collecting.
These are, to my relief, being broken down organizationally, but in my view the work of putting SDS on a proper political orientation against white supremacy remains a matter of vigilance.
2) Regarding the situation with APOC, Infoshop, Kevin Tucker and all that jazz: the use of red-baiting by some in the anarchist movement against people in APOC’s network (it’s not necessarily an organization) for simply daring to say that primitivism has foundations in white supremacist discourses on the “noble savage” is a matter where I think anyone on the Left should be concerned.
In particular, I would highlight that it’s no secret that red-baiting and race-baiting go hand in hand — one should recall here Jesse Helms’ comments on UNC standing for “University of Negroes and Communists.” As well, it’s in the interests of everyone on the radical Left that sectarian behavior be called into account: a pair of people who are influential in the anarchist milieu basically went and stated, as if fact, that members of APOC were Maoists when they’re clearly not. While I disliked the response on the Illvox site (since they threw Maoists under the bus — as if *we* were the problem).
Such activities, regardless of Infoshop or Kevin Tucker’s leanings, is reprehensible; further, the fact that the administrator of the former has *consistently* red-baited anyone who speaks on race (and not, say, former Trotskyists or the like) should make anarchists think twice about posting of announcements and the like to Infoshop.
3) Finally, I have to say, I find the typical “pit X against Y” method you used to pit CrimethInc. and SDS in your comment at 12:50pm to be really a matter of the most vulgar class reductionism — both a reduction in what class is (is it *really* current class station, or is it class station plus origin?), as well as a reduction of the race issue as simply some add on to class (rather than an integral part of the class system in the U.S.)
For one, the idea that one can just voluntarily give up being white and bourgeois is patently ridiculous — and it’s an idea which is fundamentally white and bourgeois. Why does the white traveler kid subculture exist, but for two things which are almost exclusive to the white bourgeoisie:
a) the immense social capital at the disposal of the white bourgeoisie, which allows for having extensive nationwide networks of contacts, places to couch surf, and in a worst case scenario call mommy and daddy for an advance on a trust fund.
b) the broadness of perspective to have no kids, no commitments, very little criminal record to worry about coming up in trespassing on railyards,
In other words, that such a thing as being *voluntarily poor* exists among a certain class is a sign of bourgeois decadence and their fascination with being lumpen, not some charitable spirit among the bourgeois youth. Sorry, but Paris fuckin’ Hilton cleaned pig stuys on The Simple Life. It doesn’t mean she stopped being white and bourgeois.
On another note, this “Y’didn’t say the word class!” bleating (kind of a vulgar Marxist answer to Bush’s “You forgot Poland!”) is a nonsense attempt to move the goalposts on my article yet again, in a way that is pretty baseless. I don’t suppose you’d exhort me to write about the connection between race and class in some article about being a working class member of SDS now, would you?
inicio said
My initial response was aimed at the vacuity of the articles in question, so focusing on their content was problematic, as my criticism was to the lack of content. Where my response blends distinctions between what STP has to say, and what you said in the above articles, I beg your forgiveness. Or better yet make clear how STP`s characterization of your politics (which he has a far more intimate knowledge of than I) is wrong, as of course he was the first to “stuff words and thoughts” into your person.
At any rate, there is no mistaking a line that circulates in SDS, which says that anarchism is the problem. And I stick by my assertion that your impressionistic and anecdotal writings on the issues confuse distinctions between anarchists, and paint particular anarchist practices as essentially “white” in nature and predicated on a white priviledge. You even go so far as to characterize every anarchist of this particular bent as being essentially bourgeois, as if they all live off of trust funds. You display here a crude conception of how class interacts with race and ideology in the way that you characterize your political enemies. White, Bourgeois, Anarchists.
The positions developed in the two articles in question do not form the basis of a serious critique of white supremacy, and they do not form a practice that will put an end to white supremacy. They form an impressionistic and opportunist attack on anarchism.
Perhaps you yourself could stick to what the articles say, and explain to me how they develop anything more than an impressionistic and anecdotal attack on anarchism. How do your articles move forward a critique of white supremacy, let alone a revolutionary practice of ending white supremacy as a social structure? How do they even set the basis a succesful struggle against white supremacy in SDS? As we will see you yourself are confused on this matter:
Here you actually claim that the problem of white supremacy in SDS cannot be ameliorated or reversed through struggle:
“The issue of which I wrote in this article are about was dealing with white supremacy as a contradiction contained within SDS, as a revolutionary mass organization (in my ever so humble opinion, a problem of being stuck to its origins — by no means something that can’t be ameliorated and even reversed through struggle).”
One can only ask what it is you are aiming to do then. Such a statement is actually directly posed against your blustery rhetoric in the article posted above. For instance when you say:
“The cultural chauvinism surrounding SDS is contained at the moment. We will have to be vigilant to keep it in check, but it is time to move on. The new challenge: quit singing kumbaya and coming out swinging at white supremacy.”
You define white chauvinism here:
“1) In general, the form white chauvinism, as a contradiction among the people (not a contradiction between the people and the enemy) hasn’t been overt acts of racism, but rather erecting and maintaining unreasonable barriers to joining and participating for non-white people — namely, certain ideological assumptions about “what we all believe” (no, not everyone’s a fucking vegan out to save the little furry animals — get over it!), as well as ideological assumptions about the class station of activists, i.e., “what we all can do.””
And I can only ask how “dumpster diving” food is a form of white chauvinism. Is it that the FREE food that was acquired and prepared through the labors of others didn`t have enough animal fat to not insult your particular cultural sensibilities? Are you serious? I mean, I`m not vegetarian, but I`ll eat lentils when they are provided to me by comrades.
And how is that “white”? In the heart of the U.S. where people eat more meat than anywhere else in the world, where the beef industry is intimately linked to the cowboy mystique of white america, you think that vegetarianism is a form of white priviledge? Tell that to the people of the world who don`t eat meat because they can`t afford it.
In other words, was this an UNREASONABLE barrier to the participation of non-white people? Was it a barrier at all?
Now I hope people looking from outside can see how ridiculous this conversation is, but I would suggest that this ridiculousness is entirely the work of Hegemonik`s analysis (such as it is).
You write:
“These are, to my relief, being broken down organizationally, but in my view the work of putting SDS on a proper political orientation against white supremacy remains a matter of vigilance.”
And just to get beyond all this nonsense about vegetarianism, I have to ask you what is a “proper political orientation against white supremacy”, and why do your articles NEVER articulate this crucial point?
On your second point:
1) The issue of APOC was specifically brought into this discussion by STP, who directly conflated Infoshop with Crimethinc. That you conflate Infoshop with a general primitivist anarchism (a point made in comments on your blog itself) simply reproduces the same mistake that STP makes. Frankly, if we are resolved that anarchism is not the issue then why are we still talking about primitivist anarchists and a controversy that has no relevance to SDS? In other words, no, I don´t think everyone on the Left should be concerned with a marginal school of thought within the anarchist movement.
I have no love for Infoshop, and the deployment of “noble savage” ideology is essentially racist (assuming they actually put forward a “noble savage” archetype), but what exactly do they have to do with SDS on the one hand, and since Infoshop was introduced into this conversation based on a conflation, what do they have to do with Crimethinc?
2) I don`t see what Jesse Helms has to do with this, but lets look at this logic you deploy: Jesse Helms is a racist and a red baiter, therefore all red baiters are racists.
Furthermore, what does Trotskyism have to do with anything?
Your entire second point is simply shifting attention away from more central issues, even introducing new irrelevancies into the discussion (Jesse Helms, Trotskyists).
One of my two main points in all of this has been that your writings, your line, consistently presents irrelevant issues as primary, that the way in which these are presented do not effectively combat white supremacy, but that they do (consistently) politically combat anarchism.
On point three:
There is no simplistic “pit X against Y here”. It is a general truth that those who are students, particularly university students (which SDS itself recognizes as the majority of their activists), appreciate a certain priviledge, which is not strictly tied to class, but nonetheless has a close correlation. In other words, a student organization, generally, is comprised of people coming from a priviledged class position. I don`t believe this to be some kind of original sin. Do you?
On the other hand, throughout this discussion activists who identify with Crimethinc have been slandered as “bourgeois” in essence. The fact of the matter, very clearly, is that this is not true. While no doubt some people that adhere to that general set of beliefs come from a clearly priviledged class background, many others do not. And while you may say that “choosing to be poor” is a priviledge, I would ask you to spend some time with some of these people being harassed by police, being sneared at and bullied by thugs.
I don`t see the obvious rejection of “normal white society” bringing these kids jobs at the local union office, or the local NGO. And if you think you can just cut your hair and take a shower and return to “normal white society” as if your skin color guarantees you a seat at the table, then you really do have a simplistic view of race in this country.
Have you ever slept in a squat Hegemonik? Have you ever seen the houses that comprise these networks? Have you ever hitchhiked or hopped a train? You act like the networks in question are a series of Holiday Inns granted to our idealistic anarchists by their billionaire parents. What makes you think there are not children involved in some of these communities? I assure you there are. You do not know what you are talking about.
Quite simply most of your A`s and B`s bear little to no relationship to reality. All this does is expose your shallow method for anyone who has ever investigated these things.
Two final points:
1) No one here has suggested that people can simply choose not to be bourgoeis, though surely people can and do change, rather what has been contested is whether we are actually talking about bourgeois people or not. At any rate, would it be such a bad thing if someone wished to not be connected to that class? Personally, I welcome such people as comrades.
2) First of all, where is that article you wrote about being a working class member of SDS? Second of all, why presume that I would argue for a discussion of class or race divided from one another? Am I now the “economist”, I thought you guys broke with the RCP already.
And at the end of all this, I still don`t see where the revolutionary politics are in SDS.
hegemonik said
Inicio:
Again, words, mouth, etc.
Please read the above — where in the above did I mention “enemies?”
I can pretty clearly tell you that the enemy is the system, those that perpetuate it, those that profit from it. Not those that, like everyone else, simply live on it.
I am not, however, for liberal bullshit about how we’re all “just human” and that ceasing to be white (with all the privileges that brings) or bourgeois (and all the privileges that brings) can just be renounced. I am a revolutionary, and not a priest: I don’t think confessing to how corrupt one’s blessedly dull life in the ruling class, then reading Evasion suddenly turns someone from a bourgeois origin into a proletarian.
* * *
I own up to an awkwardly constructed passage I should have written as, “the factor of class origin IS something that can be ameliorated and reversed through struggle” (as it is, it should still make logical sense that way). In general, it seems like you’re just out to play “gotcha” though.
* * *
I don’t conflate jack shit on Infoshop and “the primitivists”. Re-read what I wrote that article. Then read the generally belligerent garbage that “Admin” at Infoshop wrote both on Infoshop and elsewhere (as Chuck0), and see what the idiot primitivist Kevin Tucker himself wrote on Harjit’s own website.
I’ll say this: “Admin” basically took the side of a loon who makes Pol Pot look like Steve Jobs, while continuing to accuse APOC of being Maoists for ever having a problem with such nuttiness. It may not make “Admin” a primitivist. But I’d question his judgment as reflexively white chauvinist.
* * *
Re: dumpster diving – do I really need to spell out for you the chauvinism it is, of some crusty-ass, smelly dude saying “well, it’s either these moldy bagels or you go to East Bubblefuck Chicago to get some decent food.”
* * *
My empathy for people who find themselves left by circumstance of class stuck in slums or in poor rural areas (I’ve lived in both — and neither is a situation I really care to see glorified). I don’t, however, muster tears for poor widdle rich kids who decide they want some taste of roughin’ it out on the road or in some squat, and find it soooo hard to try to eke out a living. Gosh that sounds like a LOT of the world’s population — who never had a choice in the matter.
If some snotty kid who’s had a silver spoon in their mouth all their life finds having their needs taken care of so boring they want to take it out on the road, then they’ve made their ratty, bug eaten bed — now let them lie in it. I’m sure the status of having lived in some slum area soon marked for the next generation of gentrifiers will make up for it. And if the the conversion of the LES is any guide, some of them may even get to keep the damn squat and live in a nice converted condo.
ShineThePath said
It is going to be hard to respond to Inicio right now, given a lot of all of his fall assumptions and posturing in his post. Anyway, I would beg for him to find any attempts to show my supposed “oppositionalism” to Anarchism as my strategic route of work in SDS. It is just absurd. It is also just downright ridiculous to speak of this as a general trend in SDS, amongst who? where? Then to give a quick textual play of looking at campaign proposals for a National Convention whose main theme will be finally giving the ability to nationally coordinate and mobilize to fight against the current onslaught of US Imperialism, etc. You act as if all political life of an organization is summed up in those proposals by individual members of SDS. This is just quite vulgar of you, as if the internal life of an organization amounted to just that and its expressions of politics dispersed locally is just that. We know simply that political life is more dynamic than that and what you’re doing with that is just quite Red Herring.
I think this quite politely should tell you the principle “no investigation, no right to speak.” You shouldn’t be so quick to your gun about an organization you seem clearly to know very little about.
———-
The expression “revolutionary synthesis” seems to be a buzz phrase for you, but I think it is really more or less can be played as role of MacGuffin here and it plays this role precisely because you give it the vaguest of names, a “revolutionary synthesis.” Such a name is purposely vague because it refuses to name its politics. When Kasama is “reconceptualizing as [they] regroup,” When you accuse me of “oppositionalism” in my relation to Anarchism in SDS, what is the actual character of this “revolutionary synthesis?” And what do you in fact mean by SDS taking up the ‘wrangling’ of that “revolutionary synthesis?”
So as I have said, I think this talk about “revolutionary synthesis” is akin to Hitchcock’s MacGuffin here. Its nothing at all. It finally operates in no way to put politics in command. Communist politics has to get out here and getting forward a critique of the underlying basis of this system, its consciousness, and its movement in its totality. This attitude of transcending the longest line struggle in the revolutionary movements is just simply an opportunist error, it isn’t genuine, its a fake, or you would have just told us straight out what you mean. Its also just ludicrous provided the fact that many young people are Anarchists, tend toward anarchism, etc. Does this mean however a strategically method of organizing against anarchism? Uhmm…No, if I have honest critiques about different anarchists and their politics, what is exactly the problem here?
————
Going back to the question of “oppositionalism,” it seems also that we’re missing the basic idea of how politics work. That is the need for line struggle over questions. CrimethInc functioned as an ultra-democratic group that try to push the tyranny of consensus on the organization. It wasn’t a matter of actual picking out CrimethInc as the enemy, it was actually what they were putting forward into SDS, which is based on their politics. Further, they were largely opposed by other anarchists.
And what I said on subculture remains standing in my opinion. Your statement “[t]he issue is not subculture, the issue is political line” misses the point altogether about it. This is of course about political line, and subcultures express lines! Whatever happened to the “personal is political?” Subcultures by their very logic are form of resistance to cultural hegemony, but accepts itself within the coordinates of Ideology itself. And particularly with the Crusto-punks and CrimeThinc subculture as a whole, it expresses a deeply adventuristic attitude toward liberation and a mocking attitude toward the actual conditions of people. You say this is a cartoon, but I don’t see in anyway how it is not and you really provide no attempt to show how what I have said is a distortion of CrimeThinc’s expression of its politics from its tight knit core that produce its books.
I recommend checking out this article. http://www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=3664.
Its actually quite interesting that in many respects other different strands of anarchism will provide you a similar critique of the drop-out-of life-stylism.
And to be quite blunt, I’ll state it again, the actual positions of CrimethInc are a white chauvinistic position and that does in fact evolve in certain respect for the justification of their life stylism and getting people into it as a political act. Their position is many respects just painfully grotesque. Lets just point out some telling lines from their work.
” They say the only free men are the hobo and the king. They are indeed the only ones who can claim to be lords of all they survey—though for utterly different reasons: the former possesses the entire world by releasing it, while the latter still owns only what he can conquer…Likewise, the scavenger who thrives off the excess of his society sees opportunity and adventure where the executive sees only hunger and destitution” From CrimethInc’s “Definition of Terms”
“Poverty, unemployment, homelessness – if you’re not having fun, you’re not doing it right!” Tagline from on of CrimethInc’s book Days of War, Nights of Love
“Do not be frightened by the Unabomber’s willingness to stand out from the crowds and take whatever actions he believes are necessary to achieve his goals..” CrimethInc in a chapter entitled The Unabomber: A Hero For our Time of the same book.
“The shoplifter wins her prize by taking risks, not by exchanging a piece of her life for it…In stark contrast to the law-abiding consumer, the means by which she acquires goods is as exciting as the goods themselves; and this means is also, in many ways, more praiseworthy.” Why I Love Shop Lifting from Big Corporations from same book.
Just a few of the best stuff from them. Whats interesting Inicio is that you express respect for some of them having the ability to give up “class priviledge,” but when you look at how they have perversely fetishist view of living on the margins of society as a sort of “adventure” and “exciting” thrill. The people forced into those conditions are apparently living authentically. Still just a cartoon?
———–
Just some corrections. I never lumped Infoshop, CrimethInc, and Primitivists in the same boat. However there is incredible overlap. Anyway, Infoshop is by itself a mere medium, while CrimethInc and the various primitivists do in fact overlap There are a lot of primitivists within CrimeThinc, etc. In fact, the whole milieu of that sort is so bad they are very much analogous to people picking up bits and pieces of esoteric religion and trying to make something coherent out of the story. Mish Mashing all sorts of drop-outism and life stylism. I don’t honestly see, downright to it, a difference in the line of Primitivism and CrimethInc.
Secondly, no caucuses in SDS have power to block, etc. The question has always been in many political directions and is a continuing point of struggle, but hopefully to a lesser extent as the first convention of SDS.
ShineThePath said
*correction
“..look at how they have perversely fetishist view of living on the margins of society as a sort of “adventure” and “exciting” thrill it should make you a bit sick in the stomach.”
Mike E said
Moderaltor note: Let’s keep the personal edge to a minimum. It is fine for someone to critique Hegemonik’s article, it is fine for the author and STP to respond with information, clarification and struggle over political views. No need to inject personal irritation on either side — in fact it just confuses things. When we are done, the thread will have clarified some things, about how things are viewed politically and about the way things are posed in SDS. And that is the point.
Mike S. said
I haven’t had the time to slog through this entire exchange, but for what it’s worth, as an anarchist, I think Hegemonik’s position is pretty dead on. Some practices comnonly associated with anarchism, and especially with the varying brands known as primitivism, crimethinc, individualism, and “anarchism without adjectives,” are – to borrow inicio’s language in comment #11 – “predicated on white privilege.” This is not an attack on anarchists or on anarchism. It’s a necessary part of confronting the contradictions within anarchism.
By the way, an anarchist magazine I used to help edit published a review by Butch Lee (of Nightvision fame) of the first crimetinc book. It’s online here: http://www.kersplebedeb.com/mystuff/books/reviews/crimethinc.html
ShineThePath said
Personal apologies then to Inicio for the tone of my previous comment, it isn’t useful as Mike points out.However that is not to say I retract what I’ve, everything I did post lastly were my own thoughts on the matter.
JB said
Forgive me. The terms of this heated debate are not clear to me, as a reader, at all. I’m familiar with the range of oppositional politics in the USA, but I still can’t see what the meat of this argument is about or why it draws such heat.
Please simplify it into simple points, and please don’t waste your time complaining about hurt feelings and misrepresentations. Just state what you’re positions are, what the issue is – and how this has bearing on building a student movement that matters.
ShineThePath said
The question has largely swayed over this, whether or not it is proper to call subcultural life stylism, especially of drop-out culture, carries forward into it a line and condition that can be considered a product of “white privilege” and whether or not it is right to critique it on this basis or is this a type of jacketing of political discussion with language.
Another question is whether or not there is a fake struggle around politics in SDS based on “oppositionalism” around the question of anarchism or Marxism. Whether or not what needs to be done is SDS to grapple a “revolutionary synthesis,” etc.
The lastly is the question of a particular grouping in the anarchist and subculture scene, CrimethInc, and what kind of character do they have, whether or not their politics are white chauvinistic on some level, etc.
ShineThePath said
Just some quick points to my own posited question.
On the question of subculture, I’ve already outlined that I think subculture by its very logic, while offering a form of resistance and showing a visible critique of the dominant culture, finally accepts the coordinates of Ideology, the conditions of the dominant culture. It also strives for a certain amount of marginalization in society, both consciously and unconsciously. It is probably one of the prime examples, in its organized political form (squatters, dumpster diving, tune out), of resistance as surrender.
It is important to offer critique and struggle with Youth organized in such ways to see how the political activity of life stylism is ultimately limited. And of course this struggle comes continually in any organization that has a lot of young people from these subculture groups, like SDS. Struggle can take form of actual political difference on the question of what it means to have a revolutionary student organization (how it articulates itself, how it organizes, etc.) or it can take on even the smallest seemingly insignificant form of whats being served at an event. I here think that the line struggle has been genuine in SDS, the critique of SDS members from anarchists, to marxists, to non-professed people around this imposition of subcultural imposition on our organization is incorrect and we don’t want it. The People of Color caucus has many times provided some insights into the white privilege and alienating factor of this sort of imposition.
But these critiques are hardly the newest on the blocks, the larger anarchist movement has been dealing with the organized political unit that promotes drop-out subculture as the ultimate expression of political contingency, that grouping is known as CrimethInc, ex-workers collective. CrimethInc is known for some of the most mocking statements on the left about the conditions of people living on the margins of society, seeing their life as “exciting,” a possible “adventure,” and authentic living. It is ultimately a fetishism of the worst conditions that millions of people face in this country.
Ultimately I believe CrimethInc has a white chauvinist, social chauvinistic line and its political articulation of its line can be some of the most foolish disgusting things on the Left.
The question then becomes is the struggle in SDS a one of “oppositionalism” as Inicio of a line of myself and others to “fight anarchism.” This is just not true, and thats from the horses mouth. Political struggle against subculturalism, and specifically the anarchist trends associated with CrimethInc and others, was not a simply Red v. Black dynamic. Anarchists in SDS were largely ones leading that struggle, people wanted and now are demanding a national student organization and not the consensus tyranny that the milieu try to grip us with. The tolerance of their Red Baiting has also been curved, etc. To say this is an old dynamic of Red v. Black is simply just uninformed “guessing with the best of them” about SDS.
What is more to the point though is Inicio’s comments that the “oppositionalism” in SDS is whats problematic for it, and the fact it has taken up a “grappling” with a “revolutionary synthesis.” First, I believe I have already discredited the “oppositionalist” account; however SDS does have old lines and struggles around questions that have historically gave into the longest line struggle in the revolutionary movements history, i.e., Anarchism v. Marxism. Political struggle though isn’t so black and white. For example, within SDS similar critiques of those influenced by Michael Albert are offered by both Communists and anarcho-communists. I see nothing wrong with this, and quite seriously this aspect of it has made SDS by far the most interesting and dynamic group I’ve ever been a part of.
Inicio, quite readily offers us an account that this is in some sense stale. He says that SDS has to begin discussing a new revolutionary synthesis, but as I’ve already pointed out, this phrasing seems purposely vague considering the project of “reconceieving as we regroup.” It can either be the most loaded phrase or is absolutely nothing at all. So bringing forward the phrase “revolutionary synthesis” as a sort of immediate transcendence of line struggle within SDS seems just out of wack.
Bringing forward the politics of Communism and offering a critique of others can be a usually friendly and engaging process, and that is how it has been in SDS (with the exception of the most sectarian Anarchists, a lot of whom were influenced by CrimethInc thought).
Inicio said
Before entering into another round of table tennis, I would like to bring things back to the main issues, the ones that have obviously been obscured by all this talk of anarchism that STP and Hegemonik focus on:
(Not yelling simply capitalizing to emphasize)
WHAT IS A PROPER POLITICAL ORIENTATION AGAINST WHITE SUPREMACY?
WHAT IS YOUR VISION FOR SDS?
HOW IS SDS REVOLUTIONARY OR HOW WILL IT BECOME REVOLUTIONARY?
HOW IS SDS GOING TO CONTRIBUTE TO A GENERAL REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT TO OVERTHROW EXISTING POWER RELATIONS?
Hegemonik:
First, as for playing “gotcha”, you demand that I stick to your words, and then when I clearly do, you impugn my motives.
To the point:
While you have not used the word “enemy”, in every single post you have put on this thread the majority of your comments have been impressionistic and anecdotal attacks on anarchists and anarchism. Why is that?
Over and over again YOU make anarchism the issue. Why is that?
I have stated plainly two main criticisms:
1) Anarchism is not the issue, rather the questions I have raised above are the issue.
2) The focus on anarchism, which the two of you (Hegemonik and STP) consistently bring to this discussion, is not only a false debate, but it is a method. A political method to avoid more pressing issues.
Hegemonik says:
“I can pretty clearly tell you that the enemy is the system, those that perpetuate it, those that profit from it. Not those that, like everyone else, simply live on it.”
You can say this now, but everything around this, your two articles, the majority of your comments here, do not make this clear. It is in fact my criticism that what one actually gets from your articles is not an understanding of white supremacy as a systemic issue, nor a clear identification of who the real enemy is. Rather we get the idea that white supremacy is expressed in a “white subculture” that has to be chased out of SDS, and which is innately anarchist.
So lets review the accumulated weight of your charges against anarchists:
“Amid all this, there was some white chauvinist behavior going on. Common spaces such as the makeshift mess hall were monopolized by white crust punks who (without telling anyone at first) stocked it with dumpster dived food.”
“Re: dumpster diving – do I really need to spell out for you the chauvinism it is, of some crusty-ass, smelly dude saying “well, it’s either these moldy bagels or you go to East Bubblefuck Chicago to get some decent food.””
In other words you claim it is white chauvinism to provide free food when it is “dumpster dived”. Meaning that it presents an UNREASONABLE barrier to the participation of people of color (by your own definition). And you do this using what are clearly not even factual anecdotes, but impressionistic screeds.
You are not targetting white chauvinism here.
Hegemonik writes:
“Witnessing SDS’s rapid expansion in the past few years, it is most striking that in having broken the chains that bound SDS’s organizational practices to white subcultural practices (dumpster diving, crustiness, etc.)”
In other words, you politically targetted “white subcultural practices” as being a political enemy (I am using the general meaning of the word, not using it in connection with Mao Zedong´s essay). That they were related to anarchist politics, must have been a coincidence, except that you consistently imply that anarchist politics are by their very nature white chauvinist politics. STP virtually comes right out and says this. Not that SOME practices are white chauvinist, but that anarchism is essentially white chauvinist, when he says:
“It is also funny as I write, I can’t really think of any significant way to socially investigate these subcultures without not going back to Anarchism itself. And I think the article above shows a lot of the poverty in the Anarchist milieu to deal with racism.”
Hegemonik continues:
“I suspect this year, there have been some controversies in the Left outside of SDS that are going to come to our doorstep one way or another: the controversy of Seal Press, or the drama of clueless white anarchists talking shit about APOC. I don’t know if we’ll have time to address them, though perhaps through this blog I can get a teachable moment with folks.”
Now Mike S. lets you off quite easily when he “agrees” with you that SOME practices of anarchist groupings are predicated on “white chauvinism”, but you of course make no such distinction. But the more important point is one of relevance, what is the relevance of this APOC controversy? Is there a primitivist line being put forward in SDS? Where?
Now things start to get really revealing of method, for even as Hegemonik declares that “anarchists are not the enemy” he goes on to characterize them in this way:
“(no, not everyone’s a fucking vegan out to save the little furry animals — get over it!)”
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“In particular, I would highlight that it’s no secret that red-baiting and race-baiting go hand in hand — one should recall here Jesse Helms’ comments on UNC standing for “University of Negroes and Communists.” As well, it’s in the interests of everyone on the radical Left that sectarian behavior be called into account: a pair of people who are influential in the anarchist milieu basically went and stated, as if fact, that members of APOC were Maoists when they’re clearly not. While I disliked the response on the Illvox site (since they threw Maoists under the bus — as if *we* were the problem).”
———————————–
“Why does the white traveler kid subculture exist, but for two things which are almost exclusive to the white bourgeoisie:
a) the immense social capital at the disposal of the white bourgeoisie, which allows for having extensive nationwide networks of contacts, places to couch surf, and in a worst case scenario call mommy and daddy for an advance on a trust fund.
b) the broadness of perspective to have no kids, no commitments, very little criminal record to worry about coming up in trespassing on railyards,
In other words, that such a thing as being *voluntarily poor* exists among a certain class is a sign of bourgeois decadence and their fascination with being lumpen, not some charitable spirit among the bourgeois youth. Sorry, but Paris fuckin’ Hilton cleaned pig stuys on The Simple Life. It doesn’t mean she stopped being white and bourgeois.”
————————————
“I am a revolutionary, and not a priest: I don’t think confessing to how corrupt one’s blessedly dull life in the ruling class, then reading Evasion suddenly turns someone from a bourgeois origin into a proletarian.”
——————————————-
“I don’t, however, muster tears for poor widdle rich kids who decide they want some taste of roughin’ it out on the road or in some squat, and find it soooo hard to try to eke out a living. Gosh that sounds like a LOT of the world’s population — who never had a choice in the matter.
If some snotty kid who’s had a silver spoon in their mouth all their life finds having their needs taken care of so boring they want to take it out on the road, then they’ve made their ratty, bug eaten bed — now let them lie in it. I’m sure the status of having lived in some slum area soon marked for the next generation of gentrifiers will make up for it. And if the the conversion of the LES is any guide, some of them may even get to keep the damn squat and live in a nice converted condo.”
——————————————–
You say that you have no beef with anarchism (why not? I do), that your aim is white chauvinism, but it is clear that you conflate the two, and that you conflate them with not just bourgeois ideology but with the ruling class itself. As I said you have a set of interlocking categories for your political target in every single one of your posts here, and the two articles at question: White, Bourgeois, Anarchist. You switch emphasis when it is politically opportune, but for you they are identical so that an anarchist is by rights a “white anarchist” and then of course “rich”, “bourgeois”, “a member of the ruling class”.
STP on the other hand, does not even pretend that anarchism is not the problem. He attacks it square-on as innately racist, etc. Does STP´s line contend in SDS? If so, then I would say that there is clearly a line that sees anarchism as the problem.
If you mean to target a specific political force in SDS then you should name it specifically. What proposals, what caucuses, what leaders are putting forward the line which you are fighting against, where are the documents, the debate minutes, etc. As it stands you sloppily smear anarchists generally, and on the basis of the clothes that they wear, the food they eat, and their lack of bathing.
What evidence is there that Crimethinc as an organization intervened in SDS? Which of these is Crimethinc´s 2007 proposal on process: http://www.newsds.org/wiki/index.php?title=Process_Proposals_for_2007_National_Convention
Who represents Crimethinc in the rest of the proposals from 2007? Can Crimethinc even BE represented?
The answers to these questions are beside the point, because again the point is one of method. A non-opportunistic politics would be at pains to recognize the various lines within SDS, tied as they are most clearly to public statements of participants about vision, structure, etc. And when criticizing lines within SDS it would make clear who it was criticizing. It would not make vague swipes at subcultural artifice. What stinky, racist, rich kids are you talking about Hegemonik? What Crimethinc group are you talking about STP?
So aside from a lack of clarity with regard to your own projects (the inability or at least the lack of articulation on the questions I raised at the beginning of this post), you don´t seem to have much clarity as to who or what you are fighting against (and making a mistake in doing so). If it is really about line, and not subcultural tendencies (there are no proposals to demand that everyone in SDS is a vegetarian, so the direct linking of these issues is a cannard), where and by whom is this line being put forward in SDS. Where are people in SDS expressing these lines that STP has culled from some internet searching:
“Poverty, unemployment, homelessness – if you’re not having fun, you’re not doing it right!” Tagline from on of CrimethInc’s book Days of War, Nights of Love
“Do not be frightened by the Unabomber’s willingness to stand out from the crowds and take whatever actions he believes are necessary to achieve his goals..” CrimethInc in a chapter entitled The Unabomber: A Hero For our Time of the same book.
“The shoplifter wins her prize by taking risks, not by exchanging a piece of her life for it…In stark contrast to the law-abiding consumer, the means by which she acquires goods is as exciting as the goods themselves; and this means is also, in many ways, more praiseworthy.” Why I Love Shop Lifting from Big Corporations from same book.
Is this line expressed with body odor? Is that political?
On another note…
STP writes:
“The expression “revolutionary synthesis” seems to be a buzz phrase for you, but I think it is really more or less can be played as role of MacGuffin here and it plays this role precisely because you give it the vaguest of names, a “revolutionary synthesis.” Such a name is purposely vague because it refuses to name its politics. When Kasama is “reconceptualizing as [they] regroup,” When you accuse me of “oppositionalism” in my relation to Anarchism in SDS, what is the actual character of this “revolutionary synthesis?” And what do you in fact mean by SDS taking up the ‘wrangling’ of that “revolutionary synthesis?”
So as I have said, I think this talk about “revolutionary synthesis” is akin to Hitchcock’s MacGuffin here. Its nothing at all. It finally operates in no way to put politics in command. Communist politics has to get out here and getting forward a critique of the underlying basis of this system, its consciousness, and its movement in its totality. This attitude of transcending the longest line struggle in the revolutionary movements is just simply an opportunist error, it isn’t genuine, its a fake, or you would have just told us straight out what you mean. Its also just ludicrous provided the fact that many young people are Anarchists, tend toward anarchism, etc. Does this mean however a strategically method of organizing against anarchism? Uhmm…No, if I have honest critiques about different anarchists and their politics, what is exactly the problem here?”
You have to HAVE politics in the first place. Even clearer, you have to have revolutionary politics in the first place, and whether your politics are revolutionary or not has everything to do with your answers to the questions (or something very close to them) that I have posed. Not in some abstract sense but in the way that your answers help to facilitate an overthrow of existing power relations.
You have to have a vision, you have to have an idea of where you are going in the first place, and you have to CLEARLY articulate it. “Being where the numbers are” is not a revolutionary politics. That position may be “simply and to the point”, but it begs the question of why the numbers are there in the first place. A political agenda of clearing the way to be “where the numbers are”, is not essentially revolutionary, let alone progressive.
What I mean by SDS taking up this issue, is that SDS needs to come to a relatively united position on the main issues that are relevant to revolution, particularly as it relates to a confrontation over power relations, and they need to do it in a way that facilitates confrontation with the power structure (not subculture), and in a way that facilitates others joining that confrontation. I shouldn´t have to be more specific than that about what that confrontation ultimately entails, read State and Revolution.
To do this, someone in SDS has to organize the discussion about these issues, and they have to fight to get SDS as an organization to commit to that discussion, and to commit to the outcome of that discussion as the road that will be taken up in pursuit of revolution.
Otherwise, revolution is conceived of solely as process (a line which permeates SDS and which receives very little criticism). That is, the revolution is conceived of as developing an organization that operates on the basis of participatory democracy, not in developing an organization that helps to overthrow power relations.
The development of the specific synthesis for SDS that meets these tasks is particular to SDS, as there are particularities to a Student Organization and a Student Movement. I have asked you and others to consider what that particularity is, in order to help develop a revolutionary synthesis FOR SDS, which can connect to a broader movement.
On the other hand, I and others continue to work on how one would develop that broader revolutionary movement. In some respects when people commit to this problematic, and towards practical solutions to it, they begin to constitute a revolutionary movement. I have my own ideas, but there is a long way to go, and nothing is certain at this stage, except that revolutionaries should be committed to arriving at that synthesis (not in the sense of some tome of revolutionary laws, but in the sense of a living revolutionary movement) within the next few years.
The point of my criticisms here are entirely to try and push these issues and questions on the agenda, not to win some argument over who said what when.
hegemonik said
Inicio:
At some point, I think you’ve gone on so far a tangent as to go into your own orbit. At this point, I’m not following your own particular wish for a platform.
Once again: Criticism of anarchism does not constitute making anarchists the enemy, any more than bringing up what is wrong in the Marxist milieu makes them the enemy. It means I’ve got two eyes.
I’m familiar with anarchism — I spent years as an anarchist — and I know its limitations, and how they manifest themselves. I’m more than willing to struggle through and with those limitations to attain a higher form of unity.
How this somehow constitutes placing anarchists into an imaginary “enemy” camp is a matter of your own particular hangups and need to frame things into your own way. Fine. If you want to frame things this way or that, *you should write your own polemics* not look for other people to say what you want them to say.
I’m simply exasperated at this point with your own insatiable desire that any and all articles somehow have to fit a stereotyped party writing style — would you prefer some windbag defense of Stalin? — none of which serves to do anything except perhaps some perverse desire to have the last word as eyes collectively glaze over.
Over and out, Inicio. You got the last word.
A note to Mike E. — next time, just as a courtesy and not as a requst for permission, please warn me before material from my blog gets reposted here. I’m afraid that it seems our blogs speak to audiences of entirely different constituencies that don’t seem to be either unwilling or unable to speak the same language.
ShineThePath said
I am just going to comment very breifly, because somethings just may bare reapting the same wrap I’ve given in the previous comments.
Your continued insistence that I have a want to strategically oppose anarchism in SDS is just incorrect. If you’re saying I am opposed to a certain type of anarchism that is associated with CrimethInc. which pushes the drop-out subculture and living on the margins of society as the greatest act of political agency, then yes I am against it…and with good reason….the reasons all up before you in my previous posts.
Now the problem fundamentally here is that you continually accuse us of focusing a sort of target on Anarchism, but simply you’re confusing what we’re saying and this article has been about, which was a certain juncture and struggle within SDS against those elements. We had a convention where basically people associated with group known as CrimethInc and some primitivists didn’t want us to make decisions. Fortunately they were struggle against, and that didn’t happen, and more fortunately we’re building functional levels of national work.
Now to your questions above, it should be quite clear what SDS is and isn’t. SDS is now a national student organization with largely a radical Left-wing politics, it has a mass character throughout and accepts all different trends as long as they agree with general principles. Is SDS a revolutionary organization? Most, and I mean an overwhelming majority of people want to see complete social transformation of our relations to principles of liberation, justice, and equality. They express that in many different ways. It isn’t of course a cadre organization, it doesn’t have the highest principles of political unity, and so far for the past three years an articulation of that has been few and far in between.
For many of your questions, though I’d like to anwser definitively, its just not possible to do it thoroughly. For example, you ask what kind of role does SDS want to play in a general revolutionary movement? I think this is dependent on the shape such a revolutionary movement would take, don’t you? And who knows what the neccessities and development of such a revolutionary movement will mean for SDS. Really the question is so vague that it only leaves seriously an anwser in generalizations, it can’t be particular.
The question really comes down to is what kind of relationship do Communists wnat to have to a mass student organization, yet a radical one, like SDS? What do we want to see develop from it at this point. We can’t treat the question so speculatively or broad, if we do, we risk saying nothing at all and everything at the same time.
So the question needs to be reasked toward a Communist perspective.
What is the importance, if there is at all, for Communists to have traction amongst Students?
What role do students play altogether in revolutionary movements?
What kind of role should Communists play in mass student organizations with a radical character like SDS?
ShineThePath said
Now toward the question of White Supremacy itself, what is a proper political orientation to it. I believe I’ve gotten into this a bit with my replys to the comment I wrote about New Yorker article, http://mikeely.wordpress.com/2008/07/14/furor-over-new-yorker-cover-what-black-folks-contend-with/#comment-5064
But I’ll repeat what I think breifly. White Supremacy needs a critique as how it functions in Ideology. There are already a myriad of case examples of how it functions in manifested social relations, but what we lack in this country altogether is a critique of it, as Ideology. We, unlike the European intellectual left which has provided a wealth of test devoted to the complexities of antisemitism, have never given a serious critique and where we have, I think Marxists have ultimately not taken it up.
I also though in addition think we should take up the line that the personal is the political. That is, you don’t have a public persona and a private one, its all there. So in this sense, when we speak about something like subcultures and specifically subcultures on the Left, they do in fact carry forward a line that has a political character. This for me doesn’t mean of course, condemnation for not fulfilling Communist ethos, its a question of actual analysis we bring forward and how we raise people’s consciousness in those conditions.
Mike E said
I am giving all this a close read, and hope to have some things to say shortly. Don’t want to rush into this, and want to work to understand the issues better than I do. Perhaps sometime this weekend…. both on questions of white racism and on the matters of “building a revolutionary pole” (among students and society).
I will, of course, respect any requests you make like this. But let me probe a little as to the reasons.
When I posted the Budweiser/Civilwar piece it was cross-posted in many places across the internet — but no one thought it necessary to write me (either for permission or for warning). It is not generally what is done or assumed.
If someone posts personal correspondence (email or IM) — it seems reasonable to ask for permission (and to give warning).
But why exactly would you want a heads-up for something as simple (and normal) as our cross-posting of your comments onto kasama? (Isn’t that what you wanted and intended when you posted in the first place.)
Also you write: “I’m afraid that it seems our blogs speak to audiences of entirely different constituencies that don’t seem to be either unwilling or unable to speak the same language.”
I find that a rather odd response — as if one or two commentators here characterize kasama in both constitutencies and language.
And as if after a few brief exchanges you are already eager to announced that people are “unwilling or unable” to find a common language. Surely the last thing we need is any hasty and angry verdicts after a few opening exchanges.
And I think (on principle) we should all (you included) be a little more welcoming of criticism and disagreement. So Inicio doesn’t agree with you. Is that so bad? So he thinks you may be on a wrong track. Would it be so terrible to welcome that thought, and work it through (not automatically assume that he is full of shit and deserving of quick dismissal)?
In my experience, there is much to learn from most criticism — even (as it turns out) criticism that is mainly wrong and even (in my experience) criticism that is not well intentioned. And clearly in the case of Inicio the intention (and goals) are shared: forging a revolutionary movement that can (among other things) finally abolish the oppression that defines the U.S. and its history.
so (pending more elaborate thoughts of my own on the issues at hand) i urge a little more patience and generocity, brother! A little more openness toward those (like me or Inicio) who you are just starting to engage with! A little optimism about our ability to find common ground, and eventually a common approach to revolution.
We have much to learn, from the world, from our own mistakes, from the criticism of other and from each other.
And we are all walking through the shallows of a common project, and the great work of clarification and firm action mostly lies ahead.
hegemonik said
Mike:
Notifying me is really just a matter of being prepared to take some time to be engaged on the article. This article had a specific moment and context it was meant for (namely, in anticipation of the POC Caucus taking up some work to prepare for activities at this year’s SDS National Convention, coincidentally those activities being about a week from now and quite stressful to get completed on time).
In that respect it’s done what was meant for, hasn’t been all that much on my mind of late, so it really blindsided me to be brought back to an article I wrote some two and a half months ago.
Re: criticism – it’s simply unprincipled to substitute one’s own meanings into another person’s writing. If one can recall how foolish the nickel and dime lawsuits about Ozzy Osbourne and Judas Priest and so on having “subliminal messages” in harmless rock songs, you have an idea of how much it exasperates me off to have a simple passage about the anti-social white chauvinism of a few crust punks looked at for what Inicio claims to be subliminal messages about how we should off the anarchists in SDS. It appears he will find said messages no matter what. Why indulge him?
Which brings me to the gap in the audiences here and at Hegemonik. Just going over the facts here: Kasama was (at least initially) founded as a way to find some bearings over theoretical and practical matters after a number of persons left the RCP. Understandably, it’s allowed for some pretty free-wheeling exchanges about this and that — because before the regrouping process begins in full, such exchanges are the life of the group.
The situation at Hegemonik is that it was built primarily as a means of putting out timely and relevant ideas in the form of both agitation and analysis, meant to be specific in scope of subject matter and in audience.
For example: I posted up the stuff regarding Nepal was posted up for a very specific reason — people in SDS, who are dealing with mass struggles touching upon aspects of dual power, state power, etc. and have all sorts of ideas on it. I generally think they should have a chance to think those ideas through and apply them to a relevant matter. I don’t think SDS’ers would find the ins-and-outs of the Madhesi question as relevant as some of Babu Ram Bhattarai’s discussions of the state and the revolutionary process — which is why I picked the latter over the former.
Quorri said
Mike E says:
“We have much to learn, from the world, from our own mistakes, from the criticism of other and from each other.
And we are all walking through the shallows of a common project, and the great work of clarification and firm action mostly lies ahead.”
This sentiment is crucial. If people with such a strong passion for urgently needed, radical change in society can’t at least co-exist and cooperate toward a mutually beneficial situation, toward a path of unity, how much can we hope to build a lasting difference?
It is easy to throw sarcastic remarks and shallowly hid disses into conversation, it is easy to have our feelings hurt when our heart-felt remarks are even slightly criticized. It is much harder to look into criticisms and find the meat of the contradictions and expose them; it is much harder to learn what we can from sharing our knowledge and thoughts with others.
We are not necessarily brought up in this society to be able to interact with each other in these critical ways and it is much to our detriment in projects like these, projects of which, as Mike so aptly states, “we are all walking through the shallows of”.
The work does mostly lie ahead, and engaging critical thought upon theory and action with one another is no small part of that work.
Cheers.