Jensen: Getting Off the Road to Extinction
Posted by Mike E on November 15, 2008
This article appeared on the author’s Homepage.
Imagine you are riding on a train. Out the window you see that the tracks end abruptly. The train will derail. You suggest that the train stop immediately and that the passengers go on foot. This will require a major shift in everyone’s way of traveling — but to continue barreling forward is to court catastrophic consequences.
The delusion revolution: We’re on the road to extinction and in denial
by Robert Jensen
[A version of this essay was delivered to the Interfaith Summer Institute for Justice, Peace, and Social Movements at Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, August 11, 2008. Audio files of the talk and discussion are available online from the Radio Ecoshock Show. posted on Alternet, August 15, 2008.]
“The old future’s gone,” John Gorka sings. “We can’t get to there from here.”
That insight from Gorka, one of my favorite singer/songwriters chronicling the complexity of our times, deserves serious reflection. Tonight I want to argue that the way in which we humans have long imagined the future must be rethought, as the scope and depth of the cascading crises we face become painfully clearer day by day.
Put simply: We’re in trouble, on all fronts, and the trouble is wider and deeper than most of us have been willing to acknowledge. We should struggle to build a road on which we can walk through those troubles — if such a road is possible — but I doubt it’s going to look like any path we had previously envisioned, nor is it likely to lead anywhere close to where most of us thought we were going.
Whatever our individual conception of the future, we all should re-evaluate the assumptions on which those conceptions have been based. This is a moment in which we should abandon any political certainties to which we may want to cling. Given humans’ failure to predict the place we find ourselves today, I don’t think that’s such a radical statement. As we stand at the edge of the end of the ability of the ecosystem in which we live to sustain human life as we know it, what kind of hubris would it take to make claims that we can know the future?
It takes the hubris of folks such as biologist Richard Dawkins, who once wrote that “our brains … are big enough to see into the future and plot long-term consequences.” Such a statement is a reminder that human egos are typically larger than brains, which emphasizes the dramatic need for a drastic humility.
I read that essay by Dawkins after hearing the sentence quoted by Wes Jackson, an important contemporary scientist and philosopher working at The Land Institute. Jackson’s work has most helped me recognize an obvious and important truth that is too often ignored: For all our cleverness, we human beings are far more ignorant than knowledgeable. Human accomplishments — skyscrapers, the internet, the mapping of the human genome — seduce us into believing the illusion that we can control a world that is complex beyond our ability to understand. Jackson suggests that we would be wise to recognize this and commit to “an ignorance-based worldview” that would anchor us in the intellectual humility we will need if we are to survive the often toxic effects of our own cleverness.
Let’s review a few of the clever political and theological claims made about the future. Are there any folks here who accept the neoliberal claim that the triumph of so-called “free market” capitalism in electoral democracies is the “end of history” and that there is left for us only tweaking that system to solve any remaining problems? Would anyone like to defend the idea that “scientific socialism” not only explains history but can lay out before us the blueprint for a glorious future? Would someone like to offer an explanation of how the pending return of the messiah is going to secure for believers first-class tickets to the New Jerusalem?
To reject these desperate attempts to secure the future is not to suggest there is no value in any aspect of these schools of thought, nor is my argument that there’s nothing possible for us to know or that the knowledge shouldn’t guide our action. Instead, I simply want to emphasize the limits of human intelligence and suggest that we be realistic. By realistic, all I mean is that we should avoid the instinct to make plans based on the world we wish existed and instead pay attention to the world that exists. Such realistic thinking demands that we get radical.
Realistically radical
Imagine that you are riding comfortably on a sleek train. You look out the window and see that not too far ahead the tracks end abruptly and that the train will derail if it continues moving ahead. You suggest that the train stop immediately and that the passengers go forward on foot. This will require a major shift in everyone’s way of traveling, of course, but it appears to you to be the only realistic option; to continue barreling forward is to court catastrophic consequences. But when you propose this course of action, others who have grown comfortable riding on the train say, “Well we like the train and arguing that we should get off is not realistic.”
In the contemporary United States, we are trapped in a similar delusion. We are told that it is “realistic” to capitulate to the absurd idea that the systems in which we live are the only systems possible or acceptable because some people like them and wish them to continue. But what if our current level of First-World consumption is exhausting the ecological basis for life? Too bad; the only “realistic” options are those that take that lifestyle as non-negotiable. What if real democracy is not possible in a nation-state with 300 million people? Too bad; the only “realistic” options are those that take this way of organizing a polity as immutable. What if the hierarchies on which our lives are based are producing extreme material deprivation for the oppressed and a kind of dull misery among the privileged? Too bad; the only “realistic” options are those that accept hierarchy as inevitable.
Let me offer a different view of reality: (1) We live in a system that, taken as a whole, is unsustainable, not only over the long haul but in the near term, and (2) unsustainable systems can’t be sustained.
How’s that for a profound theoretical insight? Unsustainable systems can’t be sustained. It’s hard to argue with that; the important question is whether or not we live in a system that is truly unsustainable. There’s no way to prove definitively such a sweeping statement, but look around at what we’ve built and ask yourself whether you really believe this world can go forward indefinitely, or even for more than a few decades? Take a minute to ponder the end of the era of cheap fossil energy, the lack of viable large-scale replacements for that energy, and the ecological consequences of burning what remains of it. Consider the indicators of the health of the planet — groundwater contamination, topsoil loss, levels of toxicity. Factor in the widening inequality in the world, the intensity of the violence, and the desperation that so many feel at every level of society.
Based on what you know about these trends, do you think this is a sustainable system? When you take a moment to let all this wash over you, does it feel to you that this is a sustainable system? If you were to let go of your attachment to this world, is there any way to imagine that this is a sustainable system? Consider all the ways you have to understand the world: Is there anything in your field of perception that tells you that we’re on the right track?
To be radically realistic in the face of all this is to recognize the failure of basic systems and to abandon the notion that all we need do is recalibrate the institutions that structure our lives today. The old future — the way we thought things would work out — truly is gone. The nation-state and capitalism are at the core of this unsustainable system, giving rise to the high-energy/mass-consumption configuration of privileged societies that has left us saddled with what James Howard Kunstler calls “a living arrangement with no future.” The future we have been dreaming of was based on a dream, not on reality. Most of the world that doesn’t live with our privilege has no choice but to face this reality. It’s time for us to come to terms with it.
The revolutions of the past
To think about a new future, we need to understand the present. To do that, I want to suggest a way of thinking about the past that highlights the three major revolutions in human history — the agricultural, industrial, and delusional revolutions.
The agricultural revolution started about 10,000 years ago when a gathering-hunting species discovered how to cultivate plants for food. Two crucial things resulted from that, one ecological and one political. Ecologically, the invention of agriculture kicked off an intensive human assault on natural systems. By that I don’t mean that gathering-hunting humans never did damage to a local ecosystem, but only that the large-scale destruction we cope with today has its origins in agriculture, in the way humans have exhausted the energy-rich carbon of the soil, what Jackson would call the first step in the entrenchment of an extractive economy. Human agricultural practices vary from place to place but have never been sustainable over the long term. Politically, the ability to stockpile food made possible concentrations of power and resulting hierarchies that were foreign to gathering-hunting societies. Again, this is not to say that humans were not capable of doing bad things to each other prior to agriculture, but only that what we understand as large-scale institutionalized oppression has its roots in agriculture. We need not romanticize pre-agricultural life to recognize the ways in which agriculture made possible dramatically different levels of unsustainability and injustice.
The industrial revolution that began in the last half of the 18th century in Great Britain intensified the
magnitude of the human assault on ecosystems and on each other. Unleashing the concentrated energy of coal, oil, and natural gas to run a machine-based world has produced unparalleled material comfort for some. Whatever one thinks of the effect of such comforts on human psychology (and, in my view, the effect has been mixed), the processes that produce the comfort are destroying the capacity of the ecosystem to sustain human life as we know it into the future, and in the present those comforts are not distributed in a fashion that is consistent with any meaningful conception of justice. In short, the way we live is in direct conflict with common sense and the ethical principles on which we claim to base our lives. How is that possible?
The delusional revolution is my term for the development of sophisticated propaganda techniques in the 20th century (especially a highly emotive, image-based advertising system) that have produced in the bulk of the population (especially in First World societies) a distinctly delusional state of being. Even those of us who try to resist it often can’t help but be drawn into parts of the delusion. As a culture, we collectively end up acting as if unsustainable systems can be sustained because we want them to be. Much of the culture’s story-telling — particularly through the dominant story-telling institutions, the mass media — remains committed to maintaining this delusional state. In such a culture, it becomes hard to extract oneself from that story.
So, in summary: The agricultural revolution set us on a road to destruction. The industrial revolution ramped up our speed. The delusional revolution has prevented us from coming to terms with the reality of where we are and where we are heading. That’s the bad news. The worse news is that there’s still overwhelming resistance in the dominant culture to acknowledging that these kinds of discussions are necessary. This should not be surprising because, to quote Wes Jackson, we are living as “a species out of context.” Jackson likes to remind audiences that the modern human — animals like us, with our brain capacity — have been on the planet about 200,000 years, which means these revolutions constitute only about 5 percent of human history. We are living today trapped by systems in which we did not evolve as a species over the long term and to which we are still struggling to adapt in the short term.
Realistically, we need to get on a new road if we want there to be a future. The old future, the road we imagined we could travel, is gone — it is part of the delusion. Unless one accepts an irrational technological fundamentalism (the idea that we will always be able to find high-energy/advanced-technology fixes for problems), there are no easy solutions to these ecological and human problems. The solutions, if there are to be any, will come through a significant shift in how we live and a dramatic down-scaling of the level at which we live. I say “if” because there is no guarantee that there are solutions. History does not owe us a chance to correct our mistakes just because we may want such a chance.
I think this argues for a joyful embrace of the truly awful place we find ourselves. That may seem counter-intuitive, perhaps even a bit psychotic. Invoking joy in response to awful circumstances? For me, this is simply to recognize who I am and where I live. I am part of that species out of context, saddled with the mistakes of human history and no small number of my own tragic errors, but still alive in the world. I am aware of my limits but eager to test them. I try to retain an intellectual humility, the awareness that I may be wrong, while knowing I must act in the world even though I can’t be certain. Whatever the case and whatever is possible, I want to be as fully alive as possible, which means struggling joyfully as part of movements that search for the road to a more just and sustainable world.
In this quest, I am often tired and afraid. To borrow a phrase from my friend Jim Koplin, I live daily with “a profound sense of grief.” And yet every day that I can remember in recent years — in the period during which I have come to this analysis — I have experienced some kind of joy. Often that joy comes with the awareness that I live in a Creation that I can never comprehend, that the complexity of the world dwarfs me. That does not lead me to fear my insignificance, but sends me off in an endlessly fascinating search for the significant.
To put it in a bumper-sticker phrase for contemporary pop culture, “The world sucks/it’s great to be alive.”
About these crises
I have been talking about multiple crises without naming them in detail. As I have been speaking I suspect you all have been cataloging them for yourself. For me, they are political (the absence of meaningful democracy in large-scale political units such as the modern nation-state), economic (the brutal inequalities that exist internal to all capitalist systems and between countries in a world dominated by that predatory capitalism), and ecological (the unsustainable nature of our systems and the lifestyles that arise from them). Beyond that, I am most disturbed by a cultural and spiritual crisis, a condition that goes to the core of how we understand what it means to be human.
For me, an understanding of this crisis is rooted in my feminist work on the contemporary pornography industry. Shaped by patriarchy, white supremacy, and that predatory corporate-capitalism, pornography provides a disturbing mirror on our collective soul. We live in a world in which large numbers of people (mostly men) derive sexual pleasure from images of cruelty toward and the degradation of women. A smaller number of people (again, mostly men) profit from this industry. And except for a few people rooted in feminism and other radical philosophies on the margins, there is no significant progressive critique of it in contemporary society. Pornography is a place where we can see what the death of empathy looks like; it offers a picture of a world bereft of the fundamental values of compassion and solidarity; it provides a narrative of a people with no sense of shared humanity. Many aspects of the modern world — this mass-mediated, mass-marketed, mass-medicated world — can easily strip us of our humanity in ways that slowly leave us incapable of responding to these crises. Along with fretting about the other crises, I worry about that.
Add all this up and it’s pretty clear: We’re in trouble. Based on my political activism and my general sense of the state of the world, I have come to the following conclusions about political and cultural change in my society:
–It’s almost certain that no significant political change will happen in the coming year in the United States because the culture is not ready to face these questions. That suggests this is a time not to propose all-encompassing solutions but to sharpen our analysis in ongoing conversation about these crises. As activists we should continue to act, but there also is a time and place to analyze.
–It’s probable that no mass movements will emerge in the next few years in the United States that will force leaders and institutions to face these questions. Many believe that until conditions in the First World get dramatically worse, most people will be stuck in the inertia created by privilege. That suggests that this is a time to expand our connections with like-minded people and create small-scale institutions and networks that can react quickly when political conditions change.
–It’s plausible that the systems in place cannot be changed peacefully and that forces set in motion by patriarchy, white supremacy, nationalism, and capitalism cannot be reversed without serious ruptures. That suggests that as we plan political strategies for the best-case scenarios we not forget to prepare ourselves for something much worse.
–Finally, it’s worth considering the possibility that our species — the human with the big brain — is an evolutionary dead-end. I say that not to be depressing but, again, to be realistic. If that’s the case, it doesn’t mean we should give up. No matter how much time we humans have left on the planet, we can do what is possible to make that time meaningful.
Globalized tribal animals
I want to end by celebrating human beings. That may soundodd, given the rather grim nature of my remarks. But I think there’s a way to put all this in a perspective that is heartening. I return to Wes Jackson, who doesn’t shy away from naming the problems we face and holding humans accountable for our mistakes, individual and collective. But Jackson also often says we also should go easy on ourselves, precisely because we are a species out of context, facing a unique challenge. He reminds us that we are the first species that will have to self-consciously impose limits on ourselves if we are to survive. This is no small task, and we are bound to fail often. I believe that our failures will be easier to accept and overcome if we recognize:
–We are animals. For all our considerable rational capacities, we are driven by forces that cannot be fully understood rationally and cannot be completely controlled.
–We are tribal animals. Whatever kind of political unit we live in, our evolutionary history is in tribes and we are designed to live in relatively small groups, some would say of no more than 150 persons.
–We are tribal animals living in a global world. The consequences of the past 10,000 years of human history have left us dealing with human problems on a global scale, and we can’t retreat to gathering-hunting groups of 150 or smaller. Even if our future is going to return us to life at a more local level, as many think it will, at the moment we have a moral obligation to deal with injustice and unsustainability on a global level. That’s especially true for those of us living in imperial societies that over the past 500 years have extracted considerable wealth from others around the world.
What does this mean in practice? I think we should proceed along two basic tracks. First, we should commit some of our energy to movements that focus on the question of justice in this world, especially those of us with the privilege that is rooted in that injustice. As a middle-class American white man, I can see plenty of places to continue working, in movements dedicated to ending patriarchy, white supremacy, capitalism, economic domination by the First World, and U.S. wars of aggression.
I also think there is important work to be done in experiments to prepare for what will come in this new future we can’t yet describe in detail. Whatever the limits of our predictive capacity, we can be pretty sure we will need ways of organizing ourselves to help us live in a world with less energy and fewer material goods. We have to all develop the skills needed for that world (such as gardening with fewer inputs, food preparation and storage, and basic tinkering), and we will need to recover a deep sense of community that has disappeared from many of our lives. This means abandoning a sense of ourselves as consumption machines, which the contemporary culture promotes, and deepening our notions of what it means to be humans in search of meaning. We have to learn to tell different stories about our sense of self, our connection to others, and our place in nature. The stories we tell will matter, as will the skills we learn.
In my own life, I continue to work on those questions of justice in existing movements, but I have shifted a considerable amount of time to helping build local networks that can create a place for those experiments. Different people will move toward different efforts depending on talents and temperaments; we should all follow our hearts and minds to apply ourselves where it makes sense, given who we are and where we live. After starting with a warning about arrogance, I’m not about to suggest I know best what work people should do.
I am, however, reasonably confident that if we are to make a decent future for ourselves and our children, we have a lot of work to do. John Gorka also expresses that in his song: “The old future’s dead and gone/Never to return/There’s a new way through the hills ahead/This one we’ll have to earn/This one we’ll have to earn.”
We should not be afraid to face the death of the old future, nor should we be afraid to try to earn a new one. It is the work of all the ages, and it is our work today, more than ever. It is the work that allows one to live, joyously, while in a profound state of grief.
——————————–
Robert Jensen is a journalism professor at the University of Texas at Austin and board member of the Third Coast Activist Resource Center. His latest book, All My Bones Shake: Radical Politics in the Prophetic Voice, will be published in 2009 by Soft Skull Press. He also is the author of Getting Off: Pornography and the End of Masculinity (South End Press, 2007); The Heart of Whiteness: Confronting Race, Racism and White Privilege (City Lights, 2005); Citizens of the Empire: The Struggle to Claim Our Humanity (City Lights, 2004); and Writing Dissent: Taking Radical Ideas from the Margins to the Mainstream (Peter Lang, 2002). Jensen can be reached at rjensen@uts.cc.utexas.edu.
Richard Dawkins, “An Open Letter to Prince Charles,” May 21, 2000.
Wes Jackson, “Toward an Ignorance-Based Worldview,” The Land Report, Spring 2005, pp. 14-16.
James Howard Kunstler, remarks at the meeting of The Second Vermont Republic, October 28, 2005.
Robert Jensen, “The four fundamentalisms and the threat to sustainable democracy,” May 30, 2006.









Dave said
This sounds like a more liberal version of John Zerzan or Ted Kaczynski. Like the anarcho-primitivists, Jensen waters down his critique of actual existing systems of oppression by subsuming it in an over-broad critique of civilization as a whole or the human species as a whole. This ends up leading him away from mass-based movements and towards “helping build local networks that can create a place” for “learn[ing] to tell different stories about our sense of self, our connection to others, and our place in nature.”
In the beginning of the essay, Jensen asks sarcastically, “Would anyone like to defend the idea that scientific socialism not only explains history but can lay out before us the blueprint for a glorious future?”
Well, for one thing, “it’s worth considering the possibility that our species is an evolutionary dead end” is not quite as empowering of a revolutionary message as “workers of the world, unite!”
r said
was there any examples of dealing with pollution in the gpcr? Socialists have a lot to learn from ecological responsbility, the models, relationships, etc, but not discount that profit motive is the main problem.
TellNoLies said
The puritanical and the apocalyptic often go hand in hand. These are both impulses that I share with Jensen, but that, unlike him, I try to keep in check.
There is little doubt that we are in a period of profound and multi-dimensional crisis. Its plenty bad, but the apocalyptic soul can’t resist making it seem even worse by making the unsubstantiated claim that we are threatened with not simply social or ecological breakdowns on an unprecedented scale, but also extinction as a species.
Just as in his writings on pornography there is a blindness here to the real complexity of the world and the existence always of counter-tendencies to whatever he designates (often enough correctly) as the dominant tendency. If one has a genuinely dialectical outlook, counter-tendencies should matter, because they often contain the seeds of the new. The apocalyptic mind sees in both peak oil and global warming signs of social collapse, but doesn’t recognize that they are in fact counter-forces, logics working at cross purposes. If available oil reserves are dropping, so too is our potential to feed the fires of global warming. This should not lead us to complacency or the idea that these forces will simply cancel each other out. But the social and ecological systems we are talking about are not best understood with metaphors of trains on (or about to jump off) tracks.
The RCP always thrived on apocalyptic warnings. They were central to its practice of keeping cadre permanently tense. I hope that we can avoid this practice and treat this prophetic style with the skepticism it deserves.
DW said
R:
See the 3 “environment” articles here:
http://www.etext.org/Politics/MIM/classics/lifeundermao/index.html
These articles (not the web editor’s commentary) are actually from pre-GPCR revolutionary China.
BurningPlanet said
Peak oil isn’t going to cancel out global warming — those in power will just start using coal and it’ll be even worse. Global warming is in motion, and it may already be too late to stop it from killing off most life on this planet.
Anyone with basic observational skills who’s not in deep denial can see that we’re facing an extreme environmental emergency. Hundreds of species go extinct every day. 94% of large fish in the ocean are gone. There’s six times more plastic in the ocean than there is pytoplankton. There are critical shortages of fresh water and topsoil. Environmental collapse is in process. How bad do things have to get before we stop quibbling about whether or not a few humans will still be able to survive in some fashion? Isn’t this going to be bad enough that it doesn’t matter whether or not we decide it technically qualifies as the “apocalypse”? Maybe we can call it that when 98% of the fish are gone?
Class consciousness is largely missing from the environmentalist movement, even its more radical elements. It’s our job to take it there. Many of them want to stop industrial capitalism too (the problem with too many is that they think we can escape it without destroying it). There’s so much to unite with. We have a common enemy, and many common goals. If green and red learn from one another and combine efforts, what a powerful force we would be.
Keith said
I am wondering, according to what matrix is Jensen progressive, or even a part of the left. This is one of three profoundly reactionary essays that I have read here by him, how did we end up in this guys company?
Jensen says:
“… our future is going to return us to life at a more local level…”
The push for localism among the anarcho-primitivists is not well thought-out. Production and consumption limited to locally produced consumer goods and productive inputs would require a police state of elephantine proportions. Businesses would not be able to expand if they could only use locally produced inputs. That would put the needs of capital accumulation in contradiction with localism (which is why the whole idea is just stupidly uniformed– large scale industry is already immensely developed so that a return to localism would only happen after a Mad Max/Fight Club fantasy). In our future “life at a more local level” will labor be allowed to move or would there be a border patrol. And if we were allowed to move would we be searched upon return to ensure we are not illegally importing.
Marx explained as early as 1848 that the development of the world market and international trade is what allows humanity to overcome “rural idiocy” and development complex personalities and individuation. It is the basis for internationalism. We don’t want locally based consumption and production, we want global exchange.
The whole attack on consumption which is a part of Jensen’s moralism and which has infected wide sections of the so-called left is ass-backwards and has nothing to do with progressive politics. It is part and parcel of the critique of “privilege.”
Sorry friends, but only a jerk would join a revolutionary movement because they feel they are too “privileged.” I am a revolutionary because I hate capitalism. Capitalism makes my life suck. My life, not some joker I don’t even know on the other side of the world.
My life would be better if I didn’t have to sell my labor-power as a commodity in order to consume the things I need and want. That is why I am a revolutionary. I want more privileges not less, I want to consume more not less.
We are not going to build a revolutionary movement by asking people who are exploited by capital to give up their privileges. The politics of guilt is the worst form of liberalism, the sooner we clear the left of this non-sense the sooner we will build a revolutionary movement.
RW Harvey said
Wow, Keith, consume more, get more privileges? Sounds like the old song of “they got theirs now I’m gonna get mine,” with liberal guilt being replaced by leftist, revolutionary revenge. Sounds like a sure recipe of “new boss, same as the old boss.”
If you think the cancer of imperialism and industrialism is not, in fact, a cancer that devours both lives and ecosystems then you’ve got to take those 1848, Marx-tinted glasses off. This ain’t 1848 and localism — especially after the way the world has been shaped in the past 160 years — does not mean a return to rural idiocy. Humans may be forced into smaller or more local configurations, or we may choose to reorganize society in this way. Perhaps some combination of forces. To think that there is something magical about the immensity of industry and trading great swaths of the environment for proles to park their guzzling cars in so that you/we can have more and more and more… wow, the socialist nightmare come true!
Whether or not we are on the verge of catastrophe (as Jensen, Peak Oil folks, Derrick Jensen, and scads of others prophesy) is an open question. Whether this catastrophe will be primarily caused by industrialism and insatiable consumption, a meteor collision, the natural warming of the earth, etc., etc., is also an open question. What seems not so open is that something is clearly happening with water quality, air pollution, malnutrition, species decline, on and on. How imperialism is linked to these is exactly the issue and the very solid basis for unity and action with, as one writer said, the red and the green.
But to declare that your version of socialism is one of more consumption and more privileges, and to hold this up as the banner to rally around, is unconscionable. Are there no limits?
Eddy said
Keith declares:
well, at least that cat’s out of the bag…
but you are a long, long way from Marx and Engels (and any other revolutionary communist)
“The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional property relations; no wonder that its development involved the most radical rupture with traditional ideas. (…)
In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.”
RW Harvey said
Adding to the dialogue:
http://www.countercurrents.org/santos141008.htm
Derrick Jensen’s “Endgame” (2 Volumes, peperback)
Bryan the Trot said
“Nothing is too good for the proletariat.”
-Big Bill Haywood
The great masses of working class people, including in the US even, would be consuming more enjoyable products more often under socialism. That doesn’t mean that the same products would be produced in the same way, etc.
We wouldn’t be consuming the same things that we are now, but there would be more possibilities for meaningful consumption (art, health, transit, housing, child-care, technology, culture, furnishings, mind-altering substances, etc.)
If I can’t have my own toothbrush in your revolution, then I want no part of it. NO PART!!
BurningPlanet said
RW Harvey, thank you for linking to the article by Juan Santos. There’s a lot to think about there, but I wonder if he hasn’t given up prematurely the possibilities for turning this around. As long as there’s any chance at all, which to me means as long as we’re still breathing, we have to try. “The future is unwritten” — we can’t know that it’s over until it’s over.
Here’s a site with excerpts of Derrick Jensen’s recent book “Endgame,” which calls for bringing down civilization so the rich will no longer have the ability to rob the poor, convert life into money, or destroy the planet: http://www.endgamethebook.org/
Those who want to consume without limits: the physical world has limits. They’ll impose themselves on you whether you like it or not. Demands to increase production and damn the consequences are disgusting and irresponsible.
Keith said
Sorry to scandalize our Puritans and Franciscan. I for one am tired of Christian reactionary moralism posing as leftism.
Since we are throwing around Marx quotes and so we are clear about who is with Marx on this, a quote from the Manifesto of the Communist Party:
“The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood.
All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production.
The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.”
Marx and Engels are making my argument. The material foundations of internationalism are constituted by trade, the division of labor, and consumption Anti-consumerism is a reactionary creed. Consumption is the other-side of production/creativity and for humans to reach their potential it is crucial to have consumption that is expansive.
As I write I am listening to Brazilian music on my Japanese stereo while I write on my laptop that was made in China. I am drinking coffee from Kenya, and quoting a pamphlet by a German and an English theorist written in Brussels. And after I post this I will get some British beer. Without these things I would be less productive, less creative, and less interesting — to myself and others. Yes, I want to consume more, not less.
The ecological crisis will most likely be solved under capitalism, the enviroment is not a insurmountable barrier to capital accumulation, in fact it opens up a whole arena for accumulation (see AL Gore’s movie — market based solutions to solve global warming, or Jeffrey Sach’s Earth Institute– Neoliberals against against global warming!).
Theories of peak oil and the like are just put forth by people who haven’t bothered to study political economy. Peak oil is just another version of Ricardo’s theory of the falling rate of profit. Ricardo thought capitalism would end because of agriculture would not be able to keep up with the needs of an expanding population. In order to have continued accumulation the population must grow, but if they can’t be fed then there will be a crisis. Marx criticized Ricardo for exchanging political economy for organic chemistry. Marx’s point is that Ricardo is ignoring technological innovation– necessity is the mother of invention. Likewise our peak oil friends are exchanging geology for political economy. There is already tremendous investment in alternative fuels and capital is salivating over Green Technology.
Marx and Engels point out that not all anti-capitalism is progressivism. A lot of it is reactionary. Here is the quote:
“The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by chance, they are revolutionary, they are only so in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but their future interests, they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat.”
Too many leftists have been trying to get workers to desert their revolutionary standpoint and take up the reactionary standpoint of petty bourgeois anti-capitalism.
BurningPlanet said
Keith, your comment is so delusional I hardly know where to start.
I’ll just make a couple of points. Consuming more stuff is not the goal of a communist revolution. Stopping exploitation is.
Capitalism will not fix the environment. If so, why hasn’t it already? What’s it waiting for — 20 feet of water covering Manhattan? Where’s the glorious new techno-fix that’s brought back all the extinct species, that’s cleaned the filthy water, that’s detoxified all the human bodies sick and dying from industrially produced heavy metal and chemical poisoning? All the lies about alternative fuels and green capitalism are a way to keep the system going, make more money and put us back to sleep. They are nothing more.
There’s a real physical world of soil, air and water. We happen to depend on that physical world for survival. All the grand ideas for technology in the world aren’t going to fix it once it’s gone.
TellNoLies said
The question of human survival is not a “quibble.” It goes to the fundamental difference between a scientific and a religious outlook. My point is not to question the genuine urgency of the situation which is clearly quite dire. It is to raise the question of the social-psychological functions of an apocalyptic discourse and how it impacts on a revolutionary politics. Visions of the apocalypse are seductive and we need to be aware of that when we are trying to anticipate how things are likely to unfold. If human extinction is not in the cards, what does it mean to talk about it as if it is? I submit that it is useful for bonding together a sect, but not so helpful in developing a strategy for revolution.
Having a proper sense of the potential scale of the crisis is important. Whether it threatens to kill all life on earth, kill off all (or all but a handfull) of humans, billions of people, or “only” hundreds of millions matters politically. If we take certain scenarios seriously the proper response is survivalism rather than revolutionary struggle for an ecological socialism. When hugely traumatic events occur, as I think we have every reason to expect, involving the deaths of millions, it matters if revolutionaries talk like Jehovah’s Witnesses and contribute to an overall apocalyptic view of things or if we talk in a manner that expresses faith in the power of the people to actually overcome all this.
There was an interesting debate on this very question in the late-1990s between David Harvey and John Bellamy Foster that appeared in Monthly Review that I think is a much more useful starting place for our discussions than Jensen’s piece:
http://www.monthlyreview.org/498jbf.htm
http://www.monthlyreview.org/498harve.htm
gangbox said
This “ignorance based world view” put forth by Jensen, and the whole luddite politics that comes from it is based on the this whole false idea that the only way we can save the bioshpere is for individuals to reduce our standard of living.
Not only would that be a hellish way of living that’s beneath the dignity of human beings, it wouldn’t even solve the problem.
The fact is, most of the world’s energy use and polution comes from the wasteful and reckless operation of privately owned heavy industry under capitalism.
But, there are technical solutions to those problems – solutions that would only be possible under working class rule, because they are not profitable, but solutions nonetheless.
But Jensen doesn’t see that as a way forward either – because he explicity condemns scientific socialism, as part of a broader condemnation of the whole enlightnment program of social progress through science and human knowledge.
The whole point of the struggle for social change is to make things better for humanity – not to fall back into a second edition of the dark ages!
I have to totally agree with Keith and Bryan the Trot here – the whole point of socialism is to enable the working class (both here and overseas) to have a better life, and yes that includes being able to consume more goods and services.
Eddy said
Tellnolies recommended David Harvey, who wrote in part:
I have always learned much from reading David Harvey, but this paragraph is not an example of guiding insight.
Humans are NOT a species on earth like any other, nor are our life-ways similar to (much less identical with) the existences followed by termites, beavers or even great apes (who are our closest phylogenetic cousins). Termites ‘operate’ according to chemo- and photoreceptors, they do not have ‘consciousness’. Beavers do have brains and complex neural systems, but are not capable of the complex communication and therefore complex learning that we are.
In fact, there is quite solid (clinically observed and tested) evidence (by Tomasello and others) that only humans (homo sapiens) possess anything that could be called ’shared intentionality’ or the recognition of others as equally-aware independent agents.
But that is only the starting point of difference. Our life-ways have diverged very far from spontaneous interaction with our habitat since we began using agriculture. We do in fact live ‘outside’ a specific habitat, as our diffusion around the planet from our original sites in easy and south Africa attest.
The results of these life-ways have brought us to the present, and through various intended and unintended results of those life-ways — not the least of which are stratified societies based on the exploitation of the labor of most of the population group by a minority ruling class — we have tremendously altered ecosystems all over the globe. In that we have caused directly or indirectly (e.g. unintentionally) the extirpations and extinctions of hundreds of species. Biologists have documented hundreds since the late 1800s, and while it is near-impossible to know the full extent of clearing rainforest in lots the size of Belgium EVERY YEAR in the Amazon, we do know that tropical rainforest habitat is both diverse and localized (e.g. ecologies that exist within a single stand of trees).
We surely must be scientific, materialist and dialectical in our analysis of the significance of ‘the environmental problem’, we better also guard against the ‘thinking problem’ that has landed us here, now. Which is to say, not thinking about extended consequences extended in time (and only next quarter or next growing season) or in space (and not dismiss it as ‘not some joker I don’t even know on the other side of the world’.)
We need a broader and more far-sighted awareness than that of the petit-bourgeois philistine who demands “I want more privileges not less, I want to consume more not less” over any and all others.
Rather, our watchwords should be “an end to exploitation and oppression in all its forms!”.
Eddy said
sorry, there was a typo in the above:
“But that is only the starting point of difference. Our life-ways have diverged very far from spontaneous interaction with our habitat since we began using agriculture. We do in fact live ‘outside’ a specific habitat, as our diffusion around the planet from our original sites in east and south Africa attest.”
It was hardly ‘easy’ by any stretch of the imagination.
TellNoLies said
I think Eddy misreads Harvey here. His point is not that we are “like any other species” in the sense of being the same, but in the sense of having our own “specific capacities and powers.” In other writings, Harvey comments at length on Marx’s comment on the critical difference between “the worst of architects and the best of bees” being precisely their intentionality.
Keith’s comment about “consuming more” distracts from his more critical point, which is the ways that global trade constitute the foundations not simply of internationalism, but of communism, a point that Marx makes, I believe, in his discussions of the realization of our species-being in “The 1844 Manuscripts.” There is a very real sense in which the communist project rests not simply on a certain development of productive forces but on the global human connectivity pioneered by global trade.
The production of new needs that Keith refers to is not universally progressive. What Keith is ignoring is the way in which capitalism produces irrational new needs to resolve its periodic crises of over-accumulation. We need, therefore to distinguish between the consumption of Brazilian music which enriches us all and the consumption of Japanese stereos planned for obsolence, between the consumption of English brewing techniques and the consumption of petroleum shipping beer from England to the US when a locally-brewed version of equal quality is easily available at lower cost. And before I go to the barricades for Keith’s “right” to own an SUV I think we should inquire as to whether the Kenyan who grows his coffee (and mine) has potable water and vaccines for his or her kids.
A huge amount of our consumption does little or nothing to enrich our lives and a great deal to destroy things that do. Between the puritanical vision of the anarcho-primitivist and the riotous gluttony of the US in its late imperial phase there is a great middle ground on which to imagine communism.
Bryan the Trot said
Gangbox: How should we get your book? We have lots of construction worker comrades, and we might wanna do a study group on it. Surely, that should get us a discount of some sort. Good comments here Vinnie, BTW. I don’t keep up with the comment boxes too much here, so email me at brykoulouris (at) gmail. I trust that nobody on here will put me on a spam list or harass me or anything.
Mike E said
[moderator: bryan, don't be so sure that we won't put you on a spam list. First harassment (like this) than the boot.]
zerohour said
Gangbox said: the whole point of socialism is to enable the working class (both here and overseas) to have a better life, and yes that includes being able to consume more goods and services.”
TellNoLies said: “A huge amount of our consumption does little or nothing to enrich our lives and a great deal to destroy things that do.”
The question of consumption should not revolve around whether we can have “more” or “less” but around how we will take collective responsibility for what we produce AND consume. As part of our calculations, we should factor in both environmental and social effects. The means of production have developed to a point where scarcity and deprivation on a worldwide scale can become relics of the past. We needn’t hold onto a luddite politics in which technological development is the polar opposite of sustainable living.
In addition to the exploitation, oppression and environmental destruction, we also have greater knowledge about biology, the wide range of actual and possible social formations, the workings of various eco-systems, the physical structure of the world and universe, historical and contemporary cultural expressions on an international scale, highly developed communications and transportation technologies – and with all this, intellectual tools to understand our world better and conceive better ones. Jensen’s one-sided view ignores all the advances we’ve made
Jensen said: “For all our considerable rational capacities, we are driven by forces that cannot be fully understood rationally and cannot be completely controlled.” We are flexible creatures who have evolved through the ability to devise solutions to novel problems. Control isn’t the only mode of interaction we have or can have between ourselves and the environment: what about accommodation, negotiation, adaptation, cooperation?
He then says: “Whatever kind of political unit we live in, our evolutionary history is in tribes and we are designed to live in relatively small groups, some would say of no more than 150 persons.” He turns historical precedence into a sign of our fixed nature. This is what we have done in the past, so this is what we must have been designed to do. Why did he choose this point and not another? What if we were “designed” to live in megalopolises? Jensen assumes that our true selves must be reflected by those periods in our history when we were still subject to natural forces. As soon as we developed culture and reflexivity, we were lost.
Here is where I have the biggest problem: “Even if our future is going to return us to life at a more local level, as many think it will, at the moment we have a moral obligation to deal with injustice and unsustainability on a global level.” Why should we stop thinking at the global level in the future? What does that mean to reject our connections to the world community, or even the idea that one exists?
zerohour said
Unfinished sentence: “Jensen’s one-sided view ignores all the advances we’ve made [yes, at great cost], in favor of a romanticized localism. But a return to a purer state isn’t possible. We do know about about the wider world, and can’t be expected to pretend we don’t. The desire to expand and re-define our communities is not inherently colonialist and oppressive.”
Keith said
I think that our discussion here proves something about the hysterical nature of the environmentalist movement. I raised the otherwise uncontroversial idea that part of the struggle of the working class is to increase consumption. I have been active in a number of unions and we always fight for higher wages, more benefits etc in other words more consumption. Now, I certainly agree that unions should fight for MORE than simply increased wages but it makes no sense to say that we should be working for less.
It might make sense to argue that we should be demanding more collective consumption instead of individual consumption – public transportation instead of private cars, public education, universal healthcare, parks etc, but it is still more consumption. Consuming more doesn’t mean it has to be destructive consumption, that is a conceit of the anti-consumptionists, But I am very wary of other undemocratic definitions of what is necessary and unnecessary. …
Now I will admit to making the point about consumption in a somewhat provocative way, but only to draw out luddite and reactionary sentiments that have infected the left.
David Noble’s essay “Corporate Climate Coup” is useful if you want to understand something about the hysteria surrounding the environment (it has everything to do with the needs of capital accumulation).
Burningplanet doesn’t believe that capitalism will solve the environmental crisis. There is a certain naïve view here that capitalist are all “morally evil” they want not only profit but they must make it in the most evil way possible. This view is naïve because it ignores first principles of politics and war: know yourself and know your enemy.
Capital is leading the environmental movement. Chevron for instance just launched a new “ad campaign”
to go along with its new accumulation strategy. British Petroleum changed their name to “Beyond Petroleum.” This is not surprising if you know anything about how capital accumulation works. Capital must expand it — it must find new arenas for accumulation. This is why “privatization” was so important for the neoliberal period, it created new sectors for investment and accumulation. They want to privatize public schools because they need places to invest and earn profit.
The environmental crisis (real or imagined it is no matter) is a great gift for capital, it provides huge new arenas for investment and further accumulation, from Whole Foods to Prius to windmills and solar panels, to desalinization techniques. And big capital, because we are all mad for a Green revolution will be able to get the state to subsidize their investment and profit making.
Enviromentalism is kicking at an open door. Thomas Friedman, the neoliberal champion of the war against Iraq, who told Charlie Rose that marines would have to kick in Iraqies doors and tell them to “suck on this” is now a champion of the Green Revolution. He is selling it to China too, he is promoting his new book “Flat, Hot and Crowded” now. Watch the interview he did with Charlie Rose (I linked to it above) and see what capital is planning.
Keith said
Here is a link to Charlie Rose’s interview with Friedman:
http://www.charlierose.com/view/interview/9249#
Dave said
As someone once said, “By their fruits you shall know them.”
The line of thinking which Jensen promotes leads away from mass struggle; after all, if human beings are “designed” to live in groups of no more than 150 persons, then mass struggle can only be harmful and alienating.
Jensen’s statement that “unsustainable systems can’t be sustained” is obviously true, but it does not at all follow from this that “the agricultural revolution set us on a road to destruction.” Indeed, by identifying the past 10,000 years of human history as the enemy (rather than the unsustainable system of global capitalism), Jensen is only guaranteeing his own political irrelevance.
After all, if your goal is to roll back the entire past ten millennia of human history, there is absolutely no concrete form of practice that is capable of achieving that goal on a global scale, and you will be forced to retreat either to isolated and ineffectual acts of protest (like the more militant anarcho-primitivists), or small local projects that have little to no impact on the broader society (like Jensen and the more peaceful anarcho-primtivists).
With a viewpoint that promotes political irrelevance, it’s no wonder that Jensen is, in his own words, “often tired and afraid.”
patrickm said
I’m rolling my eyes at the thought of Jensen ‘With a viewpoint that promotes political irrelevance…’ being confused with any sort of progressive and activly promoted by people that think of themselves as revolutionary leftists.
The Greens deserve to be more than just ‘scandalised’ by reds driving past in an SUV; the correct term for this right- wing-environmental-mush that is regularly served up with leftist sounding phrases is pseudo-left reaction and Keith is correct in pointing this latest serving out as ‘…Christian reactionary moralism posing as leftism.’
Keith is quite wrong in accepting that there is ‘The ecological crisis [that] will most likely be solved under capitalism…’ The things that are moving into crisis are capitalism and pseudo-leftism ie reactionaries; along with Zionism, feudalism, theocracy, tyranny etc. The reason there is all this doom and gloom around is because somethings really are doomed.
As industrialization spreads across the planet in this era of rapid globalization (when ‘Nations want liberation, countries want independence and the people want revolution’), living standards rise and the environment becomes more fit for human beings and this development is measurable in all manner of ways such as health standards and life spans. Revolutionaries demand that the process be sped up and condemn attempts to hold back development; we celebrate the rising living standards that result from capitalism continually reducing the price of comodities. Our complaint is that capitalism has become in many parts of the world a fetter on development.
The quickest cure for those afflicted with the doom and gloom of the MSM and all the Malthusian influenced environmental scare-mongering from the reactionaries like Carson, Erlhich, Gore, Jensen etc., is to read the progressive right-winger Julian Simon (his book ‘The Ultimate Resource 2’ is great. Like Mao, Simon believed in the power of people; and note he won the bet!) Also read Bjorn Lomborg’s ‘Cool It’ re: global warming, as well as his very useful general contribution ‘The Skeptical Environmentalist’. Also, Patrick Moore one of the co-founders of Green Peace who is now extremely critical of them and is well worth reading especially over forestry issues.
From a communist perspective read David McMullen’s Bright future. It is available online and ought to be exactly the type of book that gets reviewed by people at a site like Kasama, however so far there has been no discussion of it and instead this type of post is promoted. The book systematically demonstrates why communists have every right to be positive as we come to enter the second decade of the 21st century with the capitalist world in economic crises and the pseudo-left ranting incoherently about it.
Keith is also correct to say; ‘Theories of peak oil and the like are just put forth by people who haven’t bothered to study political economy.’
But I take issue with Keith here;
‘Too many leftists have been trying to get workers to desert their revolutionary standpoint and take up the reactionary standpoint of petty bourgeois anti-capitalism.’
It is exactly the reactionary anti-capitalism that marks these trends out as nothing to do with the left at all. That is why the term pseudo-leftist is so important. “The measure of whether an outlook is on the left needs to be assessed against criteria based on core values that have given meaning to the concept historically… The values of the left are based on two interconnected qualities: opposition to oppression and tyranny (i.e., support for democracy and freedom) and enthusiastic support for material progress, for a world of (as we used to say in the communist party) ‘abundance for all’”.
RW Harvey said
Is it not possible that communism could come very late to the table of endless consumption and that revolutionaries might be faced with economic and productive systems that have outlived any possibility of sustainability? The answer to “anarcho-primitives” so-called hysteria is not “damn the melting icebergs, full speed ahead.”
I am happily pilloried as “puritan” in order to argue against turning socialism and communism into some new religion where consuming is further fetishized but now under the Red Flag. Genuflecting before the deus ex machina of technology is part of what brought about this distressing picture.
What if what your quotes from Marx in 1848 is true… as far as it goes. And that now the engine of globalization, like the Sorceror’s Apprentice, that once seemed so benign in breaking the narrow confines of petty nationalisms and their inherent wars of proletariat against proletariat, is now devouring the planet’s ecosystem!? Recall, if you will, it is the environmentalists’ flag that pictures one planet that we all share. Can we share it without killing it? The idea of more goods shared more equitably under nonexploitative systems must’ve seemed quite appealing at the beginning of industrialism, but, again, are there no limits?
Keith, you seem to be saying that there is absolutely no merit in the warnings of environmental breakdown; does this even approach a dialectical assessment? If you are relying on the imperialists to “Go Green” as a way of finding more ways to accumulate capital and exploit more efficiently, and if you are looking to them as the model as to how communists will solve the environmental issues, then I think you should take another hard look at who your examples are and what they represent. For me, even a Green (or Red) sustainable Matrix is still the Matrix; it is not the vision of the world I would want to bring into being.
Dave said
I agree with much of what RW Harvey has to say above. Let’s not pretend that “enthusiastic support for material progress” and “abundance for all” mean that we can ignore sustainability. We can have material progress and create abundance for all without treating natural resources as disposable goods to simply be used up and thrown away. Capitalism is incredibly wasteful (despite all of its claims of “rationality” and “efficiency”) not because of the “immorality” of capitalists (is there anyone who really thinks that?) but because the operation of the market generally tends to reward those capitalists who place short-term gain above all other concerns. We don’t need that shortsighted logic.
There are many real environmental problems and we need to evaluate them intelligently. As TellNoLies has repeatedly pointed out in this discussion, neither irrational panic nor denial is an intelligent reaction.
We shouldn’t define the problems so expansively that we wind up declaring war on the Upper Neolithic Period – no matter how hard you try, you just can’t beat the Agricultural Revolution, and you will only be forced to surrender in the end, just like Robert Jensen. (Unfortunately, moralizing essays are no match for stone tools and digging sticks). But don’t try to pretend that there are no problems, either. Willful ignorance does not have a good track record as a particularly effective revolutionary strategy. As Lenin said, “The essence of Marxism is concrete analysis of concrete conditions.”
anton said
I checked out the Foster article in Monthly review and I think Wes Jackson on the ignorance thing. Both make a lot of sense.
I think the correct approach is along the lines of those here who pay attention to sustainability and criticize excess consumption. World economic development is extremely lopsided between imperialist and oppressed countries (with lopsided poorly articulated development within all the above). A number of areas of consumption are problematic in imperialist countries and among better off sections of people in oppressed countries as well, especially in the areas of energy and materials usage coming from production technologies which kill off species and destroy ecosystems.
A revolutionary society will need to figure out ways to raise living standards in the sense of people being able to do what they want on the basis of among other things their needs being met in ways that minimize destructive effects on the world we live in. This will require technological transformation led by social transformation, instead of the other way around.
This leads me to suggest the following article by Bill Joy of Sun Microsystems (from 2000) which gets into a whole other level of risks to our future under capitalism:
‘Why the future doesn’t need us.
Our most powerful 21st-century technologies – robotics, genetic engineering, and nanotech – are threatening to make humans an endangered species.’
By Bill Joy
http://research.lifeboat.com/joy.htm
gregory meyerson said
“Theories of peak oil and the like are just put forth by people who haven’t bothered to study political economy.’
This is false. it is as false as the position that the environmental crisis is being used or even invented by al gore to justify more capitalism (cockburn suggested that the crisis is designed to facilitate gore’s pro nuke position, even though gore isn’t particularly pro nuke).
There’s a recent monthly review issue on capitalism and ecology, actually the July/August and the current one. Keith and Bryan , etc. should read this before joining the alex cockburn and david noble type skepticism about agw and peak oil.
Justin podur wrote an excellent piece on leftwing denialists–the inability to accept good science under the guise that all science under capitalism is suspect, serves the bosses or whatever. in cockburn’s case, it’s pretty clear that this type of position is in fact opposed to good science. see farley’s utter dismantling of c’s arguments in the already mentioned july/august mr issue, all of which is online.
the idea that bellamy foster or paul burkett or richard lewontin/levins, all of whom think fossil fuel scarcity relative to expanding demand and global warming are very serious problems, don’t understand political economy is a pretty embarrassing statement to make. I’d love to see the evidence for this claim. that the red/greens at MR, to start, AREN’T REAL MARXISTS.
it is clear that keith and bryan and the position represented here are smart people. but so is thomas sowell. we have to be better than smart and have decent judgment.
I think it worth asking how folks like keith and bryan could be so off. I think it has to do with guilt by association. any questioning of growth is associated with malthusianism. is this a necessary association to make? I don’t make it nor do many on this list.
but look: isn’t the main question really what kind of growth is sustainable and how much? we can’t undermine our resource base, that’s clear. capitalism is doing that now and fast.
the only scenario for capitalist type growth without all of capitalism’s contradictions would be, I think, based on gen four nuclear power and boron as a transport fuel. on the other hand, if we stopped growth at today’s levels, people would be fine if social relations were organized in an egalitarian manner: it would require massive redistribution of both consumer items and access to skills.
I realize red/greens often freak out at the mention of nuclear power, but please freak out after you read Tom Blees’ Prescription fo the Planet. Still, I think the slow growth/no growth red/ green position is extremely insightful, even if Blees is right that a package of technologies could, given the right social relations, solve the problem of ghgs. I reviewed this book on amazon. check it out.
gregory meyerson said
a follow up on the claim that peak oil theorists don’t understand political economy–which really comes down to the claim that they don’t get what happens when you invest in new technology.
please look at either matt simmons or kenneth deffeyes and then tell me with a straight face that these people–one a petroleum geologist whose whole life is about studying technologies of resource extraction, the other an energy investment banker on cheney’s infamous energy task force–don’t get how investment works.
as far as thomas friedman, just because he thinks green capitalism is the next big growth opportunity doesn’t mean you should believe him. he is likely as insightful about the environment as he was about Iraq or about “a flat earth.”
that said, I will read his book, just like I read huber and mills, the free marketers who wrote “the bottomless well.” the latter, btw, make very good criticisms of liberal efficiency based arguments, ones in fact very similar to those made by red/greens like Minqi Li–his essay can be found in july/august MR 2008 as well.
Iris said
Thank you, Gregory! There was a lot of substance there. I will be following up some of the reading you mention. :)
Keith said
We are coming at this from somewhat different political/theoretical traditions so we are occasionally talking past each other but still the discussion is crucial.
I have 2 points: 1. Peak oil. 2. Is the environmental crisis real?
1. I argued that peak oil theorists don’t understand political economy. Let me explain.
I am not arguing that peak oil isn’t real—oil is a finite resource. My point is that as the price of oil rises so do oil company profits. As profits rise investment capital is attracted to the energy sector. This last oil boom attracted a huge amount of investment into the energy sector and there is tremendous interest in alternative energy (from capital). So the point is that before oil peaks—before it takes more energy to get oil out of the ground then energy produced by that oil—we will have alternatives to oil. That is basic economics. As things stand alternative fuels presently costs more than oil. As the price of oil rises (which it will if as oil peaks) alternatives become viable. Peak oil is not a catastrophe it will get us off fossil fuel. As far as I know this is a goal of environmentalists—there is a simple market solution. It could be speeded up by state investment and fiscal policies—Obama sd this will be a large aspect of his program.
2. I am not arguing that we should ignore science. I am arguing the environment should not induce hysterics, that global warming and the rest of it should be treated with some skepticism, that the end of the world is not nigh.
I am arguing against life-style politics and critiques of consumerism.
I am arguing that there is nothing revolutionary about the environmental movement. Capitalism is immensely flexible system of surplus labor extraction. What is the contradiction between ending environmental degradation and capitalist development? There isn’t any. That is why capital has embraced the environmental movement. As I said environmentalists are kicking at an open door, Tom Friedman can be called any name you like but he is an enthusiastic environmentalist.
gregory meyerson said
Keith…:
I don’t have much time this morning. will answer your post tonight in some detail. your optimism about capitalism solving the energy problems seems based on a lack of concrete knowledge of energy alternatives. Biofuels(the main alternative fuel) cannot come close (NOT EVEN CLOSE) to meeting the scale requirements for an expanding global economy. Their EROEI numbers are often awful (especially with corn ethanol), they increase the price of food and would do so catastrophically if a serious attempt at replacement were made, and they deplete the soil.
These fuels would work fine in a noncapitalist appropriately scaled economy reliant on good public transport. But they cannot replace fossil fuel much less meet the growth imperative built into ongoing capital accumulation. Are you aware of the land requirements to grow biofuels to scale? you couldn’t be; otherwise you could not merely trot out the basics of capitalist investment strategy with zero attention paid to context.
There are fuels out there that might work to solve the scale problem–boron. But boron is at this point not commercially viable at all and is not on any capitalist’s horizon. Tom Blees’ combination–discussed in his book Prescription for the Planet–of plasma converters, boron and gen iv. nukes–might solve the problems of global warming and the energy crisis: though there are other very serious problems of depletion that this techno package cannot address and to put it into practice globally in order to stave off the energy and ecology crises, you would need socialism, or communism, or some kind of superimperialism, which would abrogate the laws of capital accumulation.
because of the anarchy of capitalist production plus accumulation for accumulation’s sake, capitalism probably cannot solve the energy and environmental crises. This doesn’t mean that friedman et al won’t get drunk thinking of green profits. the problem is they don’t seem to understand the contradictions of capitalism–which now are running up against the limits of nature.
Read Fred Magdoff (on biofuels) and Minqi Li’s (on capitalism and global warming) essays in July/August monthly review and then come back to me with your green capitalist solutions to the energy and environmental crises. I guarantee you will not be able to write what you wrote above.
I agree that there is nothing revolutionary about the mainstream environmental movement and lifestyle politics is a dead end though we may indeed have to change our lifestyles
Keith said
Gregory, could you post a link to the essays you suggest I wasn’t able to navigate the MR site successfully.
Still, Marx argued forcefully against Ricardo and Malthus when they made the exact same arguments that our environmentalist make today. You correctly point out that I am not well versed in geology, engineering, or organic chemistry. This is a defect I inherited due to the division of labor. But Marx chided Ricardo for fleeing from political economy to organic chemistry when Ricardo argued that profit rates would fall because food production could not keep up with population growth. Ricardo was wrong for the same reason that today’s “green Marxists” are wrong. Whether or not I understand the technology is beside the point. The techniques change (and improve) everyday… that is the point.
The fact that biofuel is not an adequate replacement for fossil fuel is only argument that the productive forces are not yet developed enough to replace fossil fuels. It is not an argument that it can’t be done. The inadequacies of biofuels became especially pronounced in the last round of capital accumulation. But you look at one-sidedly. The reason that we now know they are inadequate is because they were tried with increasing frequency as the price of oil rose (plenty of bourgeois commentators point out the problems with biofuels. The Worldbank sd bio-fuels caused the rise in food prices!).
You are ruling out the possibility that new technologies that we have not yet even heard of or imagined are apriori not possible. While you think that I am too optimistic history is certainly on my side. There was a time when wood was our primary energy source.
Nonetheless, I will read the essays if you link to them.
2 points: 1. Nature cannot be a revolutionary barrier to capital accumulation. 2. The revolutionary barrier to capital accumulation is capitalist social relations.
1. Let’s assume that nature poses an insurmountable barrier to further capitalist development (that is purely hypothetical since it has not been established that nature poses any such barrier). That would mean the eco-system would enter into some kind of crisis. How would that stop the continuation of the system based on the exploitation of labor? In other words, if we are not just going to be thrown into some kind of Mad Max scenario ( from which capitalism would be a step fwd) how does the environmental crisis create an accumulation crisis? How does the environmental problem lead us to socialism? Is it a revolutionary contradiction? Who is the revolutionary agent in this case? Is there going to be a crisis that requires the transformation of social relationships to solve? Why? How? Why is a planned economy and an end to labor exploitation necessary to have “green” technology?
I don’t see any revolutionary working class answers to those questions. It seems to me you will be forced to make some sort of moral argument for socialism against capitalism for environmental reasons. Usually that is called voluntarism. It is a pretty radical departure from Marx who argued that the barrier to capital is capital.
Marx argued that the barrier to capital accumulation was capitalist social relations. That is to say, at certain moments further development is not possible because the existing social relationships have become a fetter. That is a revolutionary contradiction and that emerges from the process of accumulation itself. This is how Marx describes it in the Grundrisse:
“Beyond a certain point, the development of the powers of production becomes a barrier for capital; hence the capital relation a barrier for the development of the productive powers of labor. When it has reached this point, capital, i.e. wage labour, enters into the same relation towards the development of social wealth and of the forces of production as the guild system, serfdom, slavery, and is necessarily stripped off as a fetter. The last form of servitude assumed by human activity, that of wage labour on one side, capital on the other, is thereby cast off like a skin, and this casting-off itself is the result of the mode of production corresponding to capital; the material and mental conditions of the negation of wage labour and of capital, themselves already the negation of earlier forms of unfree social production, are themselves results of its production process.
The growing incompatibility between the productive development of society and its hitherto existing relations of production expresses itself in bitter contradictions, crises, spasms. The violent destruction of capital not by relations external to it, but rather as a condition of its self- preservation, is the most striking form in which advice is given it to be gone and to give room to a higher state of social production” (p. 747)
Just to reiterate the Marx insists that the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism is the result of the development of contradictions INTERNAL to capitalism. The barrier of nature, if it were to exist, is external to the system and cannot be a revolutionary barrier. In fact nature is (and has always been) the kind of barrier that is an opportunity for further accumulation.
gregory meyerson said
more later but you’re right. NATURE IS NOT A REVOLUTIONARY BARRIER. I never said or implied it was. what I said was that I doubt capitalism can overcome the challenges of the energy crisis or global warming. Revolution doesn’t automatically follow. It might be some octavia butler like fascism or the common ruin of the contending classes. what grew from that is anybody’s guess. let’s hope revolution for a society based on contributive and distributive justice, aka the c word.
I said nothing about any moral argument against capitalism though one can certainly be made–but as we both know, if these arguments are not primarily rooted in working class interests, it will go nowhere or not far enough. The barrier to capital is capital. It’s also the working class; and nature is a constant barrier, which may or may not be overcome. The global transport problem is a very difficult one for capitalism to solve and the global warming problem is impossible: here the barrier is both nature and capital–the anarchy of capitalist production.
I’ll post links after I send this.
gregory meyerson said
http://www.monthlyreview.org/julaug2008.php
that should work. for some reason, you have to click on the september issue for the july issue to appear.
let me know if there’s still a problem.
gregory meyerson said
btw, what I mean by the anarchy of capitalist production with respect to global warming is that there is not a lot of time to address this problem and whatever technological innovations that get thrown up have to be fully shared since this is a global problem, but then you encounter the problem of technological diffusion under capitalism. this seems a key point to me.
Minqi Li talks about it but so implicitly does marx, ernest mandel, etc..
you are right that anyone talking about barriers of nature or the limits of nature needs to be careful not to fetishize the current productive forces. on the other hand, your side has to be careful about a priori technooptimism: a faith in “magic bullets.”
with respect to peak oil, technology is not finding a way around the depletion problem. It appears to be fighting a losing battle.
in discussing biofuels I forgot to mention the serious water problems–the huge water needs required in this kind of production, coupled with gw induced droughts. sure, desalination to the rescue, but will it be in time, and globally shared?
final comment: to speak in grundrissian, nature is not a barrier in and of itself. it becomes a barrier posited by capital, a barrier for capital given its vampiristic properties. a society that was shaped to meet human needs, including the need to discover what these needs are, would not need to posit nature as a barrier as part of its very being.
we may not disagree that much after all. though, on the other hand…
gregory meyerson said
the techniques change (and improve) everyday… that is the point.
keith: I also agree with the point you make above, but ironically, because of the nature of capitalism (the expansionary imperative), efficiency gains from technical improvements are washed out entirely, utterly undermined by the totality. gains in fuel efficiency lead to more driving or the selling of more cars; more efficient lighting leads to the multiplication of uses for the technology so that quantity swamps efficiency.
perhaps capitalism will figure out the problems with boron as an energy fuel–boron recycling plants plus a renewable or for all practical purposes renewable energy source like gen iv. nukes could solve all of the problems posed by biofuels,and provide the energy intensity (thus its big advantage for capital over other renewables) that capitalism requires, but THERE’S NOT A LOT OF TIME to avoid tipping points in the climate if you believe James Hansen. the anarchy of cap production makes the time issue another barrier. as with nature, time is not in and of itself a barrier here. it is posited as such by capital.
if somehow rich capitalist nations overcame all the financial crises and rivalries to produce the nuke/boron combo–in what would have to be a world war two type mobilization and capitalism usually doesn’t coordinate well except in time of world war–there is once again, the tech diffusion issue mentioned above.
the bottom line is, I don’t think capitalism can solve the climate crisis (making certain assumptions about the immediacy of that crisis which may not hold); but that does not mean that nature is a revolutionary barrier or that the task of the working class is fundamentally altered. its task is all the more urgent since it is the only social force capable of overthrowing capital, though it might be joined by significant numbers of proletarianized members of the “middle class” who see that capitalism cannot serve humanity’s interest. (yes, I said humanity’s interest even though only a part of humanity–the working class broadly understood– can represent our species being).
I’m done: am beginning to hate the sound of my own “voice.”
Keith said
Check out this essay by Cyrus Bina:
http://cda.morris.umn.edu/~binac/English%20WP/workingpaper2.pdf
In my view he is the best Marxist on oil. He doesn’t address peak oil directly but he makes short work people like Michale Klare, and of all the conclusions that Bellamy draws in his essay on peak oil.
I think that the idea that capital can’t solve this is based in the mistaken notion that capitalist are morally evil. Capitalist are compelled to act by what Marx calls the coercive laws of competition. But many of them are just as environmentally concerned as our greens. What they can’t do is stop exploiting labor. Check out this speech Obama gave tuesday:
“The science is beyond dispute and the facts are clear. …
My presidency will mark a new chapter in America’s leadership on climate change that will strengthen our security and create millions of new jobs in the process.
That will start with a federal cap and trade system. We will establish strong annual targets that set us on a course to reduce emissions to their 1990 levels by 2020 and reduce them an additional 80% by 2050.
Further, we will invest $15 billion each year to catalyze private sector efforts to build a clean energy future. We will invest in solar power, wind power, and next generation biofuels. We will tap nuclear power, while making sure it’s safe. And we will develop clean coal technologies.
This investment will not only help us reduce our dependence on foreign oil, making the United States more secure. And it will not only help us bring about a clean energy future, saving our planet. It will also help us transform our industries and steer our country out of this economic crisis by generating five million new green jobs that pay well and can’t be outsourced.
But the truth is, the United States cannot meet this challenge alone.”
gregory meyerson said
keith: I’ll read the article carefully that you sent. I glanced at it and noted that it critiques a certain kind of oil reductionism associated with michael klare. my quick impression is that he actually dumbs down klare’s argument considerably based on Klare’s vulgar shorthand, “it’s the oil stupid.” but klare is no marxist. Foster is. I’d like you to clarify how in the world the article you sent critiques Foster, much less Minqi Li.
Second, why do you cite Obama’s energy plan to me? presumably, it’s to show how concerned the ruling class is about energy. is it also to suggest that obama’s plan is a step toward solving the climate crisis under capitalism? if you think this, you need to do a lot more research about the scale of the problem. Obama’s plan is close to a total joke: it’s greenwashing.
Minqi Li shows that under incredibly optimistic scenarios, which would involve expenditures in comparison with which obama’s numbers are microscopic, scenarios that assume the total decarbonization of the electrical grid, the global economy would HAVE TO CONTRACT in order to meet emissions standards capable of keeping ghgs to 445 ppm, which is itself perhaps way too high. Obviously, investments won’t be forthcoming in such a scenario. which is to say that if capitalism is to be capitalism, it cannot solve the problem (to be fair, Li’s assumptions about transport can be challenged by the boron scenario outlined above–but capitalism has its problems there as well).
and just so you know, the article you cite does some calculations to show that the iraq war could not have been about direct profit from iraqi oil–I largely agree with this by the way.
but he notes that assuming all the iraqi proven reserves could be pumped, that Iraq has 60 to 120 years of oil, depending on pump rate. seeing this, one might think…where’s the peak oil?
switch the scale: Iraq’s reserves of 110 billion barrels account for about 3.5 years of global consumption at current rates. according to cheney’s task force, the global economy (environment where workers live be damned) will need not 85 mbd but 120 mbd by 2020. at that rate, Iraq has about 2.5 years of oil.
Zack said
You are ruling out the possibility that new technologies that we have not yet even heard of or imagined are apriori not possible. While you think that I am too optimistic history is certainly on my side. There was a time when wood was our primary energy source.
Evolutionarily speaking, are an extremely young species. History is not on our side if you consider the fact that 99.8% of all living organisms that have habituated Earth are extinct.
Zack said
EDIT:
Evolutionarily speaking, we are an extremely young species.
patrickm said
Cyrus Bina systematically takes apart the “No blood for oil” reasoning of people like Jensen – ideas held so dear to the heart of Kasama insiders; it may well be a half way house of progress (for refugees from this type of oil foolishness who are desperately trying to rid themselves of such delusions) to move to his thinking. However almost all the good that Bina achieves in destroying one myth is undone by constructing another myth of his own when it really only takes one big step more and people can arrive at the only theory that holds up all these years later.
Bina’s theory of ‘HEGEMONIC NOSTALGIA’ is the lamest form of ‘reasoning’, short of it’s all about the oil one way or another that I have seen.
It is ‘courageous’ bunk produced in 2003 that reflects a desperate attempt to make sense of the world in the face of an overwhelming theory held in his own milieu that he knew did not add up at all. His theory only looks good by comparison to the theory that now obviously makes no sense whatsoever. Five years later in 2008 I can’t take seriously anyone who still makes the old oil reasoning and claims some connection with a materialist world view. People can see for themselves that puppets do not run Iraq on behalf of the U.S. ruling-elite. The Iraqi political forces control that country’s oil and make the deals that are similar to the deals done by Lenin in his day. Jensen can not be taken seriously.
Keith; the job is now to take a dramatic step and follow the reality trail that does exist backwards to uncover a theory that credibly explains what the handful of people involved at the war cabinet level of the U.S. ruling elite were doing when they made this dramatic decision. The British and Australian ruling-elite agreed with them. Neither of these country’s cabinets were slavish U.S. ruling-elite puppets throwing their political weight behind and risking their political futures for the sake of helping U.S. oil interests as Bina correctly recognizes. But just as clearly the British having the history of the Suez crisis (lost war) behind them were not aboard with this undertaking for the sake of a nostalgia for U.S. hegemony.
There is only one argument that still stands up five years after Bina powerfully smashed the it’s about oil position. The only theory still standing is that this attack was launched to do what it is doing and that is to shake up the entire Middle East by reversing the old U.S. policies that had ended in catastrophic defeat. Meanwhile Jensen being a garden variety reactionary is moaning and groaning about how;
‘So, in summary: The agricultural revolution set us on a road to destruction. The industrial revolution ramped up our speed. The delusional revolution has prevented us from coming to terms with the reality of where we are and where we are heading. That’s the bad news. The worse news is that there’s still overwhelming resistance in the dominant culture to acknowledging that these kinds of discussions are necessary.’
Some of us think that supporting coming down from the trees is a settled question! We want to change our world and contribute now that we are over half a century into the era when ‘Nations want liberation, countries want independence and the people want revolution’. It is a settled question for progressives that we will only move further along the path of development by embracing those revolutions of the past and developing them further.
The war cabinet of GWB settled on ‘illegally’ attacking and smashing the lawful Baathist tyranny in Iraq as a strategic reaction to 9/11, because such an attack would help liberate the Iraqi peoples’ (to the extent of permitting the development of bourgeois democratic institutions in a country that had never known them and note to Jensen that is political development) and through its new democratic and independent existence be a focus point of comparison and a political contamination to all the populations of the region who would (like the Shia and the Kurds) no longer accept back of the bus status either, and consequently to press for at least this feeble level of political development.
The left was correct. The former U.S. policies were the disaster that viciously repressed the movements internal to the region that had any prospect of dragging this very backward region into the modern era that Jensen laments the existence of. The former U.S. policies propped up every rat-bag tyranny across the region while rhetorically mouthing Vietnam era ‘support for democracy’. The Kennedy liberals were busy attempting to prevent free and fair elections in Vietnam and they lost miserably. No one was attempting to repeat this act of futility in Iraq all these years later.
These events and changes in U.S. policies do not add up to any nostalgia for the era of U.S. hegemony as that is indeed gone with the wind. Instead they are a response to those changes. They are part of the managed withdrawal of the U.S. superpower in a comparable manner to the much more dramatic and self evident withdrawal of the U.S.S.R. superpower as it collapsed.
The world financial crisis and the economic consequences (the big bust of the big boom) will speed up this process dramatically. Palestine is about to be established and Egypt will be cross infected with the bourgeois democracy movement. The hated Mubarak regime will get swept away and as Egypt goes so will the region go.
The agricultural and industrial revolutions that reactionaries like Jensen worry have started humanity on the road to our doom are about to spread across the globe. Communists must defend the era that generates the grave-diggers of capitalism. We proletarians exist because of those previous revolutions and we look to them and uphold them as we would our mothers.
Jensen is demonstrating for all to see that red and green really don’t mix and incidentally that green politics has peaked. Following Jensen would be to follow him into irrelevancy.
Keith said
Gregory I have to read the Minq Li essay carefully before commenting seriously. But it seems to me that Foster (in that peak oil essay) is basically making the same geopolitical argument as Klare– Peak oil will lead to increased resource competition and therefore war.
I did skim the Minq essay and it seems to me that you and Minq are arguing that there is a major catastrophe approaching, and it will take a massive revolutionary transformation of not only the mode of production, but modes of consumption and ways of life to avert it and these transformations must be accomplished by 2013 (5 years) or California, and a host of major cities will be under water and NYC will be covered in a blizzard that piles snow to the top of the empire state building. Both the problem and the solution (5 year time frame!!) seem so unlikely, and as we already discussed there is no real way of organizing around this since it is purely voluntaristic.
Patrick, I agree that Bina’s explanations for the war are not compelling. He argues that the globalization marked the end of U.S hegemony which had been in serious decline since the 1970’s with the collapse of the Bretton Woods system. I think that is right. And U.S. hegemony is certainly over today. So, Bina is basically arguing that the war is some sort of hysterical attempt to regain the lost hegemony. I agree that this is not a compelling analysis.
But you seem to accept the neo-conservative narrative at face value. That seems, to me, as wrong as Bina’s concept of hegemonic nostalgia. Why would the U.S., the British, and Australia want to bring democrcay and progress to the middle east? That is your argument right?
I could consider it if you were arguing that the war is producing those outcomes inadvertently. But you seem to be making a Christopher Hitchens type argument, no?
patrickm said
Keith: It appears we agree that Bina’s wrong in his explanation of the war but right to the extent that we can agree ‘…U.S. hegemony is certainly over today.’
So ok, now go ahead and consider that those outcomes are coming inadvertently! Just bear in mind, while you are considering that proposition, that for it to be an inadvertent outcome the outcomes could either;
a) not have been foreseen (and we know for a fact that that is not the case, because they WERE foreseen by some communist theoreticians)
b) or they were foreseen and policies were put in place to attempt to thwart the outcomes but obviously these policies failed
c) or are known to have been unforeseen by the initiators (therefore unknown, and for all intents and purposes unknowable by us and we are at a dead end);
BUT we also know that in any case a realistic outcome and an exit strategy must have been put on the table at the time by the initiators because, that’s how it works folks.
And that;
If an initial exit strategy was in place by the force that you claim was knowingly not the regions all powerful hegemon any longer, the exit plan must have been plausible for this period (the 21C).
NOW; I argue there is no plausible exit for the 21C that did not include voting by the Iraqi masses in PR elections either before or after the exit of the initiators.
Either that or an ongoing civil war (that I further say would pit the democratically minded masses against the forces of reaction that I say over protracted struggle the later would lose, but that is not at issue).
Therefore I conclude that the initiators plan produced ‘the outcome’ knowingly and that it therefore could not reasonably be expected to have been an inadvertent outcome.
‘Why would the U.S., the British, and Australia want to bring democrcay and progress to the middle east?
Because their old policies crashed and burned and the reversal of failed policies was and is the correct response to 9/11.
As Chomsky said, we must drain the swamp and there will be no more mosquitos.
gregory meyerson said
I suspect this thread is about over, but I’m hoping people on this list will read the monthly review material I posted. please don’t take keith’s attempt at reading seriously.
Here is Keith’s “reading”:
I did skim the Minq essay and it seems to me that you and Minq are arguing that there is a major catastrophe approaching, and it will take a massive revolutionary transformation of not only the mode of production, but modes of consumption and ways of life to avert it and these transformations must be accomplished by 2013 (5 years) or California, and a host of major cities will be under water and NYC will be covered in a blizzard that piles snow to the top of the empire state building. Both the problem and the solution (5 year time frame!!) seem so unlikely, and as we already discussed there is no real way of organizing around this since it is purely voluntaristic.
The 2007 assessment report by the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) confirms that it is virtually certain that human activities (mainly through the use of fossil fuels and land development) have been responsible for the global warming that has taken place since the industrial revolution. Under current economic and social trends, the world is on a path to unprecedented ecological catastrophes.1 As the IPCC report was being released, new evidence emerged suggesting that climate change is taking place at a much faster pace and the potential consequences are likely to be far more dreadful than is suggested by the IPCC report.
The current evidence suggests that the Arctic Ocean could become ice free in summertime possibly as soon as 2013, about one century ahead of what is predicted by the IPCC models. With the complete melting of the Arctic summer sea ice, the disintegration of the Greenland ice sheets may become unavoidable, threatening to raise the sea level by five meters or more within this century. About half of the world’s fifty largest cities are at risk and hundreds of millions of people will become environmental refugees.2
The world is currently about 0.8˚C warmer than in pre-industrial times and is within one degree of the highest average global temperature over the past one million years. The world is warming at a rate of 0.2˚C per decade and given the greenhouse gases already in the atmosphere, there will be a further long-term warming of 0.6˚C. Moreover, now with the likely loss of Arctic summer sea ice, the Arctic Ocean will absorb rather than reflect back solar radiation, which may lead to an additional warming of 0.3˚C. Taking into account these developments, the world may be already almost committed to a 2˚C warming relative to pre-industrial times, widely considered to be a critical threshold in climate change.3
A 2˚C warming is likely to result in widespread drought and desertification in Africa, Australia, southern Europe, and the western United States; major glacial losses in Asia and South America; large-scale polar ice sheet disintegration; and the extinction of 15–40 percent of plant and animal species. Worse, with 2˚C warming, substantial climate feedbacks, such as dangerous ocean acidification, significant tundra loss and methane release, and disruption of soil and ocean carbon cycles, will be initiated, taking the course of climate change beyond human control.
According to James Lovelock, one of the world’s leading earth system scientists, if the global average temperature rise approaches 3˚C (relative to pre-industrial times) and the atmospheric concentration of carbon dioxide (CO2) rises above 500 parts per million (ppm), both the world’s oceans and the rainforests will turn into net emitters of greenhouse gases. In that event, the global average temperature could rise further by up to 6˚C, making the greater part of the earth uninhabitable for human beings, raising the sea level by at least 25 meters, and causing the extinction of 90 percent of species and a possible reduction of the world population by 80 percent.4
James Hansen, the director of NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies and one of the world’s leading climate scientists, argued that to avoid a devastating rise in sea levels associated with the irreversible ice sheet loss in Greenland and Antarctica, as well as massive species extinction, the world should aim to limit further global warming to no more than 1˚C (or 1.8˚F) relative to 2000. According to the existing IPCC models, this implies an atmospheric concentration of CO2 no more than 450 ppm. However, in a recent study, Hansen argued that the IPCC models failed to take into account various potential climate feedbacks. Paleoclimate evidence suggests that “if humanity wishes to preserve a planet similar to that on which civilization has developed and to which life on earth is adapted,” atmospheric concentration of CO2 must be reduced to about 350 ppm. The world’s current CO2 concentration is 387 ppm and growing at a rate of 2 ppm a year.5
It is quite obvious that the very survival of humanity and human civilization is at stake. Given the gravity of the situation, many people (including some who claim to have the socialist political perspective) put their hope on an ecological reform of the global capitalist system, insisting that such a reform is within the technological and institutional feasibilities of the existing social system. The urgent and unavoidable political questions are: is it at all possible for the existing social system—the system of global capitalism, in all of its conceivable forms—effectively to address the crisis of global climate change and avoid the most catastrophic consequences? If not, what would be the minimum requirements for an alternative social system that will have the institutional capacity to prevent the crisis or, if the crisis cannot be prevented, to help human civilization to survive the crisis? These are the questions that anyone who is seriously concerned with the global ecological crisis will have to confront one way or the other.
Keith’s paraphrase of Minqi Li is meant to be slightly parodic I guess. But his parody doesn’t bring out the truth of Li’s comments–it distorts them in the most grotesque way.
On Keith’s other comment about Foster and Klare: that’s not accurate either but at least it’s not farcical or disturbing.
for klare, resource scarcity is primary, not interimperialist rivalry, and it is the latter which posits the oil peak as an extra motive (beyond ordinary energy imperialism) to control the oil supply in the first place–thus we see the scramble of countries around any fossil fuel resources in the arctic consequent upon arctic sea ice melting. Klare in fact thinks our problems can be solved by a paradigm switch to green capitalism. foster views green capitalism as an oxymoron.
as far as patrick m’s presumed incompatibility between red and green, this is based on equating jensen with the red/green position, a false inference, and pm’s own reliance on people like Simon and Lomborg. There are lots of critical reviews of the skeptical environmentalist. you might read a few of them though if you read like keith, it won’t matter.
gregory meyerson said
excuse me folks:
in my above post, I forgot to insert where Minqi Li’s comments begin. They begin with his comments on the IPCC report, following keith’s comments about “the day after.”
zerohour said
In reference to Lomborg, The Danish Ecological Council published a book called Sceptical Questions and Sustainable Answers that challenges his methodology and claims.
future's ours said
I would like to add something more to this very interesting debate. If I’m wrong please correct me.
So Keith makes two mistakes:
one, he says:
“I want more privileges not less, I want to consume more not less.” Because a revolution has to do with social justice, with ending exploitation. We struggle for a new and harmonious future, and not just more or less consumption.
And of course Keith is right when his union is fighting for higher wages. He is totally correct in fighting for that because a lot of money is taken away from you by those monopoly classes.
Two, Keith says:
“The ecological crisis will most likely be solved under capitalism”. So this is also not true as already explained by TellnoLies, Dave, Gangbox… like the following: “The fact is, most of the world’s energy use and polution comes from the wasteful and reckless operation of privately owned heavy industry under capitalism… But, there are technical solutions to those problems – solutions that would only be possible under working class rule, because they are not profitable, but solutions nonetheless”.
Therefore we revolutionaries should worry a lot about ecological problems like the shortage of water, climate change, the decline of oil. But the only way of solving them is through a complete transformation of the system.
Do not put ourselves and the monopoly class in the same box. When they talk about ecology problems, they do it thinking about how to save this system. How to preserve it so they can continue exploiting. When we talk about ecology problems, we first understand that imperialism will never solve them, we have to build another world.
The greens? We have to find out where they stand. We revolutionaries do our task. That is what Mao means when he says “independent”. We go our way in an independent way, there will be occasions when some green people will reach agreements with us, never the reactionaries.
So let me disagree with patrick m. I have read him in different places where he insists that the US – Bush aggression against Iraq is good for the people. He gives a very twisted reasoning. But if US is losing the war, it is solely due to the resistence of the people in Iraq, in the US, in the world. Sometimes we overweigh the might of the US army and weapons, and we don’t appretiate the action of the people. That’s when we have opinions that there are imperialist actions that we should applaud.
patrickm said
I don’t feel the least bit oppressed by patents taken out by Mr Edison and quite frankly neither does Eddy as he switches on his electric lights. Rather, I would feel oppressed if I were to lose the ability to switch on that light due now to a quite realistic collapse of capitalism, or a totally unrealistic and necessarily undemocratic imposition of green madness the likes of which is advocated by the pseudo-left as they ape the brain dead bourgeois political forces that are and always have been (Club of Rome through Gore to Obama) pushing this anti-people green clap-trap.
Either way internationalist proletarian forces will be fighting back as we unfold our specific plans to spread general abundance across the planet. Mao influenced reds will continue to practice our well known united front politics designed to overcome the united front that currently looks so dominant with its control of the MSM and the undemocratic two party industrialized states like the U.S. and Australia.
Bourgeois forces are currently being elected in some industrialised countries that have a contemptible plan to attack working class living standards by cutting incomes with the introduction of carbon taxing, specifically designed to lower proletarian consumption of electricity, petrol, food, travel etc etc.
Obama is one such skunk busy ‘saving’ the f…ing planet.
His old plans and policies were hatched in the wake of the rising green tide and were intended to be introduced as living standards were rising during the boom, thus the impact of these actions would hardly be noticed, as supposedly only the rate of rise would have declined; but now that the economic worm has turned and these plans will be introduced during a period of falling living standards. So if the policies are not abandoned they are going to bite hard, but this new economic reality will alter the political calculations.
Clearly I am of the view that a cyclical ‘collapse of capitalism’ is brewing and this systemic collapse and the mass unemployment it implies is due solely to the workings of the capitalist system (straight out of the 16th C) generating its very familiar crisis of over-production. Proletarian revolutionaries will not be looking to green scare-mongers to ‘fix this real problem’, but rather we undoubtedly have to clear the decks of all such dreck as being in anyway associated with left philosophy, economic and political theory.
The resultant revolutionary politics that will have to RE-emerge as ‘we the people’ form up and start to defend ourselves will have to target more than just the failed dolt of an alternate commander in chief of the U.S., Al Gore.
Rather than pander to this green mindlessness it must be taken on and defeated. I really don’t understand why anyone that’s bought the green mush clings to calling themselves a Marxist, after all we are, as a friend of mine once said, not exactly popular at present so they gain nothing by associating with the name of a political tendency that is and always has been hostile to them.
Because ‘freedom is the recognition of necessity’ our left necessity will be to make the lights work (as they will work for those that can pay the bills) and we will thus have to address the systemic issues that are blocking the path for us – ie massive unemployment in effectively failed states, producing for us no money to pay the bills. This approach is in direct opposition to any retreat to cave living (or some other arbitrarily nominated lower consumption year in the past).
The Harvard Lawyer can sprout about change all he likes because there is not much that he can do about it. The times they are a changing. The Obama policy breakdown period becomes relentless in the face of the ‘Main Street’ spread of the very financial crisis that ensured he came to be Commander in Chief.
If the U.S. currency is debased (perhaps to be valued as highly as the Mugabe backed currency of Zimbabwe) then even the owners and those that have the secure jobs start to genuinely face a reality of what is to be done about it, rather than the Y2K type non-problems associated with the green mush that reds have been fighting since red politics came into being.
In the process of restructuring the way that our societies are run we will as proletarian revolutionaries maintain an international perspective and deliver what we westerners have (what the industrial revolution and it’s direct offspring the green revolution delivered) to the entire planet. That implies we will rapidly transform the world in our own image and let loose the as yet unseen developmental power of the proletariat in charge of the means of production in advanced industrialised countries.
In short when it comes to development ‘you ain’t seen nothing yet’.
Workers will no more want to take these drastic measures than capitalists wanted to be in the situation that called forth this latest gathering of the G20, but reality mugged the ruling elites. Workers will be compelled to try to work out what to do about a world where the lastsuperpower is collapsing as the world’s largest debtor, and the massive expansion of credit that had kept the boom going for as long as it could has now fallen over in a gigantic bust.
There is currently massive confusion and greens are adding to it as they disorient people and actually in some cases welcome the ‘negative growth’ figures for GDP etc., and invent idiotic explanations of what has caused the problem (in particular blaming the massive expansion of credit that has enabled the prolonged boom before the bust, for the bust itself, when it finally came regardless).
Prioritising our proletarian struggle to direct society’s productive capacities so that the masses of people (in not just the currently well off urbanised industrialized world) including in the developing world are more than just feeding in soup lines but spreading the industrialization of agriculture that enables all to eat well will require smashing any constraints imposed by the ‘normal’ workings of global capital.
The Industrial and Green Revolution that we stand on the shoulders of will have to be accelerated to ensure that our brothers and sisters in the third world are not left behind to either die in abject poverty as often befell people in non-industrialised countries, with the devil take the hindmost brutality of bygone eras; or to eke out an isolated existence in poverty and rural complacency out of the bright light of modernity.
Industrialisation applied to agriculture is all that the Green Revolution really is, as it does feed the masses and bring forth all the oportunities that modernity and proletarian productive power can provide. The green revolution is the city transforming the countryside. When done by capitalism it has a more brutal aspect to the change that it brings (picture the Grapes of Wrath and tractors knocking over the hovels of small scale farms where humans were tied to mule in a life of drudgery); so proletarian revolutionaries ought to struggle to lead the changes. But these changes are coming and modern communications etc., must be used to ensure that they come all the sooner.
Revolutionary leftists will in no way capitulate to green reactionaries, and that is what Jensen is. Actually to the extent that he complains about the industrial and green revolutions he is an outright counter-revolutionary by definition.
Now that the long boom has gone bust, western humanity will be more divided between those that can pay their bills and those that can’t; just as it is divided between those that own the world and those that only work here (if they need us this month). The ruling class and their green backers and tailing elements will try and divide the unemployed from those that have secure employment as part of a general divide and conquer approach (get them roof top gardening and so forth). They will fail.
Greenies will focus on clap-trap about ‘generating new green jobs’ that don’t add up. Revolutionaries will focus on abolishing jobs as fast as one would if cooks had all power in the kitchen.
It does not occur to any owning class to preserve labor intensive methods when technology has moved on. Revolutionary leftists are unambiguously pro development.
Revolutionary leftists raise the property question as the direct response to the question of what is to be done when the system fails and that is what the worlds capitalist system is currently doing.
gregory meyerson said
patrick: way to thump your chest and proclaim your revolutionary credentials.
Those celebrating the green revolution celebrate the depletion of the soil and the death of the oceans, with all of its effects on the world’s workers.
This is counterrevolution in fact.
Stop speaking for revolutionary leftists and practice self criticism for about one or two years.
patrickm said
Gregory; lets look for some points of agreement that we perhaps could unite around.
As a follow up series of thoughts to my ‘original’ notion that communists are happy to form VERY broad united fronts to achieve our aims but that we are always (even if in a united front, independent and in opposition to greens); let us consider the silent, ‘response’, of many self thought progressives to the actions of the Somali pirates in seizing the massive oil tanker, and what both imply.
Ought proletarians, construct supertankers to transport oil? Even though Jensen and his supporters must think such ships are the devil’s work leading not to a world of plenty but to our doom. Will revolutionary socialist societies of the looming future construct and crew such ships and suppress pirates globally? I think the answer is; yes we ought and yes we will!
Will we do this pirate suppression in partnership with bourgeois navies that are still in existence? (For the moment, ignore all ideas of an immediate global revolution that transforms all countries at the same time, but rather adopt a Leninist style notion of weak link revolutionary breakthroughs and consolidations rather than some anti Leninist ‘one-in-all-in’ transformation.) The answer IMV is of course we will!
Ought proletarians, crew such ships that are still working (ie finding payers for their cargo) NOW and into the future? The answer is self evident that they will crew such ships while they continue to be paid. Proletarians will only stop doing such work if we don’t get paid. But does that make it correct? IMV yes that work is as honorable as any other.
Despite no revolutionary socialist societies existing at the moment ought pirates, be permitted to exist anywhere in the world right now? IMV no they should not!
Ought proletarian crews cooperate with bourgeois navies to put a stop to them? Of course they ought to! Ought these proletarians be supported in their actions by every progressive and leftist on the planet? IMV yes they ought!
Now do proletarian supporting revolutionary leftists like those that comment at Kasama support the actions of the Indian Navy (at least as reported) of sinking the pirate ship?
Do proletarian ship crews support the action of the Indian Navy? I think; yes they do! Can those commenting unfavorably about the suppression of piracy change the workers views on this issue? Well they can try, but for my money they can not because it is very much a settled question that we expect those that own and run our societies while we only work here to provide us a safe working environment and that expressly requires the suppression of pirates.
If leftists support this military action what sort of threshold has the leftist crossed?
Now we get to shore!
Ought we proletarians permit ports to be captured and kept by pirates as a sort of finders keepers reward for any pirate willing to do it? IMV no way known! No one in this day and age should be in any doubt but that they will fail if they try. Civil wars are one thing, but such annexations of other countries and the oppression of other nations faltly contradicts the era that we fight in and should be as determinedly opposed as progressives have opposed the failed war for greater Israel that is now coming to an end in defeat. I maintain that the release of Marwan Barghouti, (very much part of any moves by the Zionists toward finalizing the defeat (think NIXON) on the way to a release of all prisoners, cannot be far away now.
No matter what Jensen’s views are, those ships will be built by workers, though not for awhile as the need for more ships just dried up bigtime. If you think it’s bad for the car industry, well the ship building industry has just hit the wall. I think this is a bad thing and some greens think this is a ‘silver lining’ of sorts. IMV all slowing of the industrial transformation of the world when there is brutal poverty for all to see for want of what proletarians and machines can build is simply wrong. All your anti industrial policies (sprouted from an industrial keyboard) demonstrate that your priorities are completely cock eyed).
Dave said
patrickm – how do you know about the “silent” pro-pirate views of “many self-thought progressives”? I mean, if they are silent, then how do you know what they are thinking?
Are you now, or have you ever been, a member of the Psychic Friends Network?
Dave said
Seriously, what do pirates have to do with this discussion? The reference to Marwhan Barghouti at the end of patrickm’s post was somewhat puzzling as well.
I think that we are all in agreement that (1.) electricity is good and (2.) Jensen is wrong. These two points have been pretty well established by now.
Also, nearly all of us, with the exception of patrickm, seem to be in agreement that there are real environmental problems that need to be addressed.
Is there really anything more that needs to be said?
patrickm said
Dave: I presume you are one of the silent self thought progressives. I was not doing anything more than providing my views on the issues; why not you do the same? You may end up troubled by where the excercise leads you. Do I take it you agree with me?
As for environmental problems you are not taking a stand by spreading the lame thought that they need to be adressed. I think any problems that really exist are ’solved’ by more industrialization. Do I take it you agree? Are you in favor of the green revolution or do you side with Gregory?
Jensen has far more support at Kasama than you give credit for. Why do you think he is promoted?
future's ours said
Since Patrick is speaking out like he does then I think he deserves an answer. And if he has the right to express like he did, I have the right too to express my opinion.
So in my opinion Patrick is using the word “proletarian”, or “revolutionary proletarian” to express nothing else but bourgeois ideas, imperialist ideas, ideas that try to lead us toward the monopoly class, to join with them, to follow them.
Kill the Somali pirates? Destroy their ships? Is this the revolutionary proletarian standpoint? Are we with the people of the poor underdeveloped nations, or are we with the rich oil companies? Should we uphold consumerism, bourgeois development, or should we uphold social justice, and fight against exploitation on a worldwide level?
I am not saying that those pirates are totally innocent people. But Patrick is siding with Bush – Reagon when they denounce against “terrorism” in the world. Of course, kill them all. Those terrorists good for nothing.
Let’s see other cases, maybe green cases:
On the topic of the peasantry in Cajamarca Peru who are struggling against some mining companies who are polluting the rivers until their color turns yellow, Patrick would be siding with those companies. More consumption, more development, more abundant production is his philosophy.
On the topic of the oil companies in Nigeria, building their pipelines but leaving all those people in the shanty towns in misery, but those people react and sabotage the pipes… Sure Patrick is on the side of the oil companies. Of course, according to him the suffering of those people is entirely due to their fault. We proletarians need to consume more.
But if we want to end imperialism. We have to change also the ideology they have put in our heads. The ideology of consumerism, of egotism. The ideology that we don’t care about water shortages elsewhere as long as we can turn on our lights.
And in the case of Numia Abu Jamal? Where does Patrick stand? Is he on the side of Numia Abu Jamal or on the side of those policemen who are lying? Will he take the streets and protest on behalf of the black man?
I will write another comment about Gregory. Will do it soon.
future's ours said
As of Gregory I would like to make a breve comment.
I don’t think that the industrial revolution, or the green revolution, are in themselves bad in nature.
History is made by the people, and the people constantly, unceasingly invent new things, descover new techniques.
The industrial revolution has helped the rising of capitalism. But remember that capitalism was not bad in its beginning. There was progress in the world.
Imperialism emerged full of blood of the people, but nevertheless, due to some new technologies, it is now able to rein in the world for some time more. This is taught by Abimael Guzmán, who led a war in Peru and is now in jail. He says that due to Information technology, biogenetics, nanotechnology, that will permit imperialism to last some more time. Imperialism is ill of death, it is deeply sick, can we can see more clearly now. But it is surviving due to these new progresses.
Is Information technology in itself a bad thing for humanity? No. Is the green revolution, the biogenetics, the nanotechnology, bad in itself? No. It depends on who uses them. If they are in the hands of the revolutionaries, they will do a lot of good.
Jensen worries a lot about these topics. He should know that the green issues also have a class character. He should think what would happen if all that knowledge and skills are in the hands of revolutionaries in power. It would really be a different world.
Dave said
patrickm – If you would take the time to scroll upwards a little bit, then you would see that I have not at all been “silent” about my views. In fact, I posted the first response to this thread.
Saying that “any problems that really exist are ’solved’ by more industrialization” is an absurd cartoonish position, which is not much better than Jensen’s desire to return to the paleolithic period.
In practice, it is at least equally reactionary, if not more so – Jensen’s position only leaves him incapable of challenging capitalism in any meaningful or relevant way, while patrickm’s position actively defends the actions of multinational corporations.
Dave said
Sort of off-topic, but… has anybody noticed that Jensen really seems to like the phrase “getting off”?
I mean, he really, really seems to like it.
patrickm said
Dave: you misunderstand me; I was referring to the question of pirates and the relationship to questions of modernity that such a dramatic issue implies. As you see a response on this issue has come from future’s ours; he says
1. Kill the Somali pirates? Destroy their ships? Is this the revolutionary proletarian standpoint? Are we with the people of the poor underdeveloped nations, or are we with the rich oil companies? Should we uphold consumerism, bourgeois development, or should we uphold social justice, and fight against exploitation on a worldwide level?
I am not saying that those pirates are totally innocent people. But Patrick is siding with Bush – Reagon when they denounce against “terrorism” in the world. Of course, kill them all. Those terrorists good for nothing.’
The real concrete problem of how ship crews ought to think about the issue of heavily armed criminal elements coming into their work places completely escapes future’s ours thinking. ‘All political power grows out of the barrel of a gun’ so what do we expect armed forces to do about this issue, both before and after reds have Naval forces to deploy? Do ship crews expect something like the provision of a safe work environment from their employers? I think they do. Unionists would have no trouble with that proposition.
What is it that is leading to such a strange response to the problem? This response does not reflect what the workers on these multinational owned ships think.
Now there can be interesting secondary questions that arise like when revolutionaries like Stalin robbed banks to fund their revolutionary activities, and so nothing is fully crisp and totally clear, but as a general thought what are we to make of actual criminal conduct just for the private gain of the pirates involved (relatively rich or poor to start with)?
You say’…while patrickm’s position actively defends the actions of multinational corporations.’ I do support the construction of ships, and the ships being crewed as they are put to work transporting cargo made by other workers, and those are all the actions of the multinational corporations to do with ships. I just think we proletarians should take the lot over as quick as we can, but until that happens the owning class will continue to own them nationally or multi-nationally. I just think that such owning classes are increasingly becoming moribund and like the aristocracy their services ought to be dispensed with.
The ships and their services I uphold against Jensen who is worrying that the whole process is leading us to our collective doom. I want the continuation of the industrializing process that has seen the cost of their cargo continue to fall; or looked at from a workers’ point of view our standards of living continue to rise. I hope this reply and my other 2 posts on this will be made available.
orinda said
OK, I’ll go out on a limb and say I liked a lot of things about Jensen’s article. It’s true that agriculture is no longer uniformly viewed as a good thing. It’s taken a few thousand years to figure that out though, there’s no way early humans could have known or even done something different. It’s led to making life both better and worse for us. Few people seriously advocate going back to a hunter-gatherer society. But we do need to grow food in ways less harmful to the environment and to ourselves. There are the more obvious ways like not using pesticides and herbicides. From the beginning though monoculture was more practical it has led to a decrease in variety in our diets, increase in food allergies, destruction of habitats and increased dependence on just a few crops in poorer countries (coffee, wheat, potatoes, etc). I would think a socialist society would want to do agriculture very differently than it has been up to now. How to produce enough healthy food for everyone, in conditions that harm the workers and environment as little as possible. And raise livestock in non-brutal non-toxic conditions.
Patrick throws the word “green” around in confusing ways. The Green Revolution was about how to produce more, focusing only on that, not the cost to the soil, water, or farmers. The opposite really of the environmental movements though again, promoters of the GR thought pesticides had no downside. Just as we thought not too many years ago that antibiotics would wipe out many diseases forever. Which brings me back around to disagreeing with Keith about consuming being so desirable. So many things we consume are bad for us, consuming more will just kill us faster.
Carl Davidson said
Well, at least I now understand why I don’t care for the political views of this guy.
He’s allowed an erroneous notion of the ecosystem and our place in it to trap him in a politics that’s truly reactionary. The antidote is to read Buckminster Fuller’s little book, ‘Handbook for Spaceship Earth,’ to see where he went wrong.